The Rich Get Richer

 America’s 12 wealthiest now control $1 trillion of wealth. 



Between 1980 and 2018, tax law changes favoring the nation’s rich left our billionaires paying 79 percent less in taxes, as measured as a share of their wealth. 



The country’s top .01 percent, a group consisting of households with wealth in excess of $100 million, have seen their tax payments as a share of their wealth drop by almost as much, 73 percent.



An ultra-wealthy household that realizes $25 million in tax savings doesn’t rush out and spend that extra $25 million on food, home improvements, or new clothes. Most of those added millions just add to that ultra-wealthy household’s wealth and future wealth.



The share of America’s wealth that our top .01 percent hold has quadrupled, rising from 2.3 percent in 1980 to 9.6 percent in 2018. 



The incomes of the top .01 percent of our nation’s investors have, over the same years, jumped from 1.5 percent to 4.6 percent.

The East-Med Hotspot

The Israeli cabinet last week approved a pipeline deal to move gas offshore via Cyprus to Greece and Europe. The 1,900-kilometer (1,181 miles) link will connect gas fields in the Eastern Mediterranean basin to European markets. The $6 billion project, many years in the discussion, was boosted in January by an agreement signed in Athens between Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his Greek and Cypriot counterparts. The EastMed project puts Israel on a collision course with Turkey  which has laid claim, reinforced with a maritime deal with Libya, to large parts of the Eastern Mediterranean, where it is exploring for gas—and conducting naval exercises. These moves are exacerbating tensions with Greece.
Disputes over exploration rights and pipelines will add fuel to the heated rhetoric between the two countries. Turkish naval vessels harassed an Israeli research vessel near Cyprus last December, and Israel’s annual military assessment listed Turkey as a “challenge” for the first time last year. Egypt has its own claims to gas fields in the Eastern Mediterranean. Cyprus and Greece have already raised alarms over the Turkish-Libyan delineation of maritime rights, which intersects with the planned route for the EastMed pipeline.
For good measure, France’s President Emmanuel Macron has joined the issue, calling for European Union sanctions against Turkey over what he described as “violations” of the sovereignty of Cyprus and Greece. Israel’s main interest in the Mediterranean is to build on alliances with Greece and Cyprus that has grown over the past few decades. This dovetails with the interests of Egypt and France—which, along with the United Arab Emirates, are also anxious about Turkey’s military involvement in the Libyan civil war. Israeli-Greek military relations have deepened recently. Greece has signed a deal to lease Israeli drones, and Israeli Air Force jets have participated in a major Greek military exercise. Israeli-Greek military cooperation is a frequent topic of discussion at Israeli policy discussions and think-tanks. Israel is taking delivery of new Sa’ar 6 class corvettes and will eventually build new Reshef class combat vessels to protect its exclusive economic zone.
 Russia has opened a natural-gas link to Turkey through the Turkstream pipeline, causing concern in Washington about Russian inroads into Europe, via Turkey. 

Against Lesser Evilism

A miner walking home after a long hard day down the pit. Being weary, he takes a short cut across a field.
Soon enough, he is approached by the land-owner. 
“You are trespassing on private land, this land belongs to me.”
The miner responds, “So, how did you come by all this land?”
“My family fought the indians and drove them away,” proudly says the land-owner.
“Okay, get your jacket off” replies the miner, “and I’ll fight you for it right now!”

Poverty persists deeply entrenched and pervasive in America, and it is not for lack of resources. For the large majority of African-American families, the ghettos of the civil rights era have been passed on from parents to children, with little change. No other advanced nation tolerates the depth of deprivation allowed in the United States. Among too many poor and minority Americans, voting and choosing elected officials just isn’t viewed as essential to their lives. Many families are deemed as “undeserving” and have experienced a decrease in assistance. But these crude distinctions between the “deserving” and “undeserving” poor are unworthy of any progressive.

The World Socialist Party of the United States concedes that the majority of our fellow-workers are not yet class-conscious revolutionaries. Even for those who say they support socialism, most have little understanding of what it really is. They share with Bernie Sanders the view that socialism is a Scandinavian-style welfare state. A mixture of private ownership and government-run public services.  Many view socialism not as the dissolution of the State, but rather as an expansion of the scope of government. Clearly, we are very far from any sort of understanding that socialism means the end of capitalist commodity production for profit. Without a knowledge of the irreconcilable class conflict within capitalism there is little chance of political and economic transformation of society. People are not just asking to breathe; they are asking for a breath of fresh air and to breathe freely.

The World Socialist Party cannot subscribe to the idea that we should lay aside principles and refrain from criticism of Biden, the lesser evil. We are reminded of Howard Zinn’s observation on political power. “What matters most is not who is sitting in the White House, but “who is sitting in” — and who is marching outside the White House, pushing for change.”  

Endorsing candidates of capitalist parties muddies the truth that the system of capitalism itself is the real enemy of the working class. As socialists we know that no transformation of society has ever been achieved through reforms within the power structure of that society. Supporting (critically or with illusions or not) candidates of the parties of the capitalist class is deceptive because it implies that the system can be changed through such reforms as long as we elect the correct capitalist candidates. 

Without a clear socialist perspective, workers can be led to believe that supporting the Democratic Party will secure important gains for working people. The Democratic Party is called the “friend of labor” and the unions have given Democrats generous contributions in an attempt to buy favors’ Yet it is a capitalist party both in form and content. Biden heartily embraces capitalism.

Liberals and progressives will brag that Biden is the lesser evil when compared with Trump. But the results of the working class relying on the Democratic Party have been disastrous: The standard of living of the working class has been in a steady decline whether the Democrats or the Republicans held the reins of government. The objective role of the Democratic Party is to politically disarm the working class and keep it disorganized. Working within the Democratic Party and electing its presidential candidates who are content with reforming capitalism can only create barriers to building socialism. The working class must see its interests as directly opposed to those of the capitalist class. It must overthrow the capitalist class, take control of the state, and then proceed to construct a new society that operates in the interests of the vast majority.

American voters have permitted themselves to be convinced that electing a new president will change things. “It’s gonna be different this time.” is the refrain. But it won’t be. If Biden were actually to become President of the United States of America, it would hardly matter, for his freedom of action is too restricting and he would have very little option but to accommodate the capitalist class and their agenda. If he was elected there may be a number of cosmetic changes with implementation of some identity politics but the fundamental problem, capitalist property relations, would remain essentially unchanged. The Democratic Party (or as we like to describe them, the Damnocrats) is a party that calls for the reform, not the abolition of capitalism.  When the WSPUS speak of working class independent political action, we think in terms of class independence. In other words, a political party entirely under the control of working people, representing their interests and their interest alone.


The American working class have been fooled into accepting the concept of common interests wherein the problems of the capitalist class are theirs also. The suggestion is that people in the US all belong to one of the world’s mightiest military and industrial powers, sharing equally in the glory; so let’s all work still harder to increase the arms and wealth of the rulers. The belief that there exists a community of interests from which we all derive common benefits is a mistaken one but nevertheless held strongly.    Two crucial political fallacies permeate American workers thinking. First, that the present system can be so organized that it will operate in the interests of the majority, through a process of applied reformism; Secondly, that “proper leadership is an essential requirement.   However, neither will ever remove any of the major social evils and the socialist’s mission is to demonstrate that fact. 


Without vibrant grassroots movements changing reality, the oligarchs and plutocrats in power will keep trampling upon working people. We need BOTH activism on the streets demonstrating against specific grievances AND we need effective electoral action for social change.    A powerful socialist party should be the conduit for change. The street protests have often been aimed at the wrong target. A socialist party is an organization which can connect the dots between issues and movements — from winning justice for the oppressed to fighting for migrant rights to interacting with global environmental movements. We cannot afford to choose between the fronts upon which we must battle.


Biden is not encouraging working people to do things for themselves. There was no thought given to constructing a real working-class movement but simply to encourage the unions and working people to remain an appendage to the Democratic Party. The goal is not to create a socialist society for the working class but to encourage the working class to build socialism for itself.


Socialism is not about fighting for reforms or crumbs from the bosses table. We need to organize independently of the capitalist class and their parties. We need to show the working class that we have strength and power on our own because we do. This is Socialism 101.

Supporting the candidates of capitalist parties weakens us. It ties our hands to the capitalist system to resolve our problems. It’s a dead end. Reformism is not the same as socialism. We can’t make that distinction clear if we lend our support to capitalist politicians. It is contradictory to support capitalist politicians while opposing capitalism. Any candidate representing the parties of the capitalist class represent the class enemy of the working class. Our political power is in our independence from the capitalist class and their political parties. Only by organizing independent, revolutionary socialist parties of the working class around the world can we will end capitalism and establish socialism everywhere and for everyone.

The City and the Coronavirus

The economic collapse in Britain during the second quarter of 2020 was the worse on record. Unemployment is forecast by the Bank of England to soar to 2.5m by Christmas. The Brexit cliff edge approaches. Yet in the City, the FTSE 100 has been on the up.



The FTSE jumped 2% on the same day it was revealed the economy had slumped by 20%.





Even if unemployment surges, and consumer spending in the UK fails to recover fully, the stock market can continue rising.
Three out of the four biggest companies in the FTSE 100 were this week trading at share prices above their levels at the start of 2020, as if the pandemic never happened.
Unilever, maker of consumer goods from Domestos to Ben & Jerry’s ice cream, was trading at about £45 a share this week, compared with £43 in January. Drug giant AstraZeneca (boosted by vaccine hopes) is fetching £85 a share from £68 in January, and even mining conglomerate BHP (largely Australian, but listed in London) is a smidgen above its January price.
Ocado, the food delivery firm, has leapt in value and now has a total stock market capitalisation (£17bn) that is significantly greater than Sainsbury’s and Morrisons combined.
The FTSE 100 is yet to fully recover to the 7,500 level it enjoyed before the lockdown, but the steep market fall in February and March – when it dropped below 5,000 – is now a distant memory. Some pension funds, such as the Nest scheme which covers 9 million “auto-enrolled” workers, are back to where they were before the pandemic. Nest’s default pension fund currently has a unit price of 207p, compared with 208p at the start of January. The millions of UK savers in Nest may cheer the recovery of their funds, but it has little do with the performance of the UK. The five biggest holdings in the Nest default fund are all American: Microsoft, Apple, Amazon, Google and Johnson & Johnson.
UBS, which styles itself as the world’s “leading wealth manager” with $2.3tn under management, thinks UK shares, and sterling, will go even higher. Its economist Dean Turner said the worst of the slump in the economy is over, there is a strong bounce-back in activity, and pent-up consumer demand will power a strong recovery later in the summer and into autumn.
“In our view, UK assets look undervalued. In this environment, we continue to maintain a preference for UK equities relative to other eurozone stocks, and expect sterling to strengthen versus a weaker US dollar over the next 12 months,” said Turner.
Some big investment groups suggest that even if there is a downturn later in the year, the Bank of England will rescue investors by injecting money into the market, known as quantitative easing (QE). Previous rounds of QE have pushed up share prices, although critics say it increases wealth inequality.
BNY Mellon Investment Management chief economist, Shamik Dhar, says: “If the recovery does stall, or turns out to be significantly less positive, then I expect the government to step in with further fiscal measures, extending job and income support programmes, and the Bank of England to step in with more QE towards the end of the year.”
Fidelity, one of the world’s biggest investment groups, is rather less confident.
 Investment director Tom Stevenson said: “No one knows exactly what the recovery from coronavirus will look like – particularly with the potential for a second wave of infections and further local lockdowns – but it is likely that it will be a slow crawl towards pre-Covid levels with further government stimulus needed to restore sustained growth … Much depends on whether rising unemployment creates a negative feedback loop into lower appetite to spend and invest.” 
Fidelity reckons that holding gold – a standard safe haven in troubled times – may still make sense.



https://www.theguardian.com/business/2020/aug/15/ftse-100-rises-economic-covid-unemployment

Making billions V making ends meet

Inequality was a pre-existing condition for the US economy long before the coronavirus started its spread. The pandemic has merely exposed its “ugly face”.



 It took developer Joe Farrell just one day to rent Sandcastle, his 15-bedroom mansion with sunken tennis courts in the wealthy enclave of The Hamptons, for $2m for the summer to “a textile tycoon and his family who were stuck in Manhattan and wanted to leave the city on a day’s notice. 



Stock markets are setting new highs driven by soaring prices for the tech companies that enable those lucky enough to work from home. Apple is close to being valued at $2tn. The total wealth of US billionaires has soared $685bn since the middle of March to a combined $3.65tn. 



Rock-bottom interest rates have triggered a home sales boom for some as those with the money reconsider their priorities in the work-from-home era. With nowhere to go, those Americans who can are saving at record rates.



“We are all in this together” may be the rallying cry for the pandemic but the truth is the poor, and particularly people of color, have been devastated by coronavirus and its attendant recession while the wealthy have weathered it and in some cases made huge gains.



Meanwhile roughly 30 million people are unemployed in the US, about 20% of the workforce. Almost 30 million Americans recently reported that they have not had enough to eat at some point in the previous seven days. The vast majority – about 26 million – had lower rates of educational attainment.



The recession has also further exposed the racial wealth gap. The job market ticked up again last month but 14.6% of Black and 12.9% of Latinx adults were unemployed in July, versus 9.2% of whites.
Only one in four Americans can work from home. 
“It’s white-collar professionals who are able to work from home. In some ways, this is a sign that the economy is just officially split in two,” Glenn Kelman, chief executive of property company Redfin, told NPR.
For people able to work from home, “life has returned largely to normal”, said Peter Atwater, adjunct lecturer in the economics department at William & Mary. “In fact, the wealthiest today are even richer than they were before the outbreak.”
Economists often talk of V-shaped economic recoveries, a sharp drop and an equally sharp bounce back. Sometimes the economy drags along the bottom before bouncing back – a U-shaped recovery. Now there is talk of a “K-shaped” recovery. A fall followed by a split where the well off and well educated tick up while the poor and poorly educated fall further behind.
For those people, on the arm of the K, Atwater said it’s “almost as if the outbreak never happened. That’s starkly different for people on the leg. If you are a small business person, work in the service industry, had to go back out into a manufacturing facility, a job in the ‘real world’, as it were, that has weighed heavily. Sadly it has weighed particularly heavily on minority communities at a time when they are the largest populations experiencing the outbreak. It’s a stacked inequity.”
“We talk about the American dream, the ability to pull yourself up by your bootstraps. Rags to riches. All this American mythology is being challenged by this extraordinary wealth divide,” said Atwater. “The rubber band has been pulled too far. People are uncomfortable with how divided we have become. At the same time I don’t think the wealthy appreciate how vulnerable they are to those who are out in the real world. They are not immune to the world around them.”

Are we fools?



“Meet the new boss
Same as the old boss”
‘Won’t get fooled again’ by The Who


 Bernie Sanders predicts that the policies agreed in the Democratic Party would make Biden become the “most progressive president” since Franklin D. Roosevelt. He urges his progressive supporters to do everything in their power to elect Biden and ensure that he is the “most progressive” president since FDR.
Biden claims to be another Roosevelt who was credited of lifting America out of the Great Depression by the enactment of series of government legislation. If only that were true. FDR’s reforms failed to fix America’s economy. It was the coming of war that revived production demand and restored profits to business. Unemployment fell because America economy started to prepare for war. The national income per capita in 1938 was only 76 per cent of that in 1929. There was another economic crisis in 1937. The industrial index plunged downward. And in October of that year, FDR said “Steer toward the coming war and make all preparations accordingly.” The 1937 depression was halted and reversed, not by any normal upswing of the economic cycle, but by the speeding up of war preparations not only in this country but throughout the world. It was not until the US entered the Second World War four years later that the slump finally came to an end. That is a simple lesson from the Roosevelt experience.
To build a movement strong enough to defeat the power of the capitalist system will be a protracted struggle of historic proportion and will not be resolved in one election cycle. It will take a sea change in American thinking and understanding. Perhaps, and all socialists hope it is the case, we may well be moving into a good time to talk about revolution and socialism. But real change requires thinking beyond an individual campaign. The tendency of liberal reformers to place all their eggs in the Democratic basket and all their hopes in single leaders such as Joe Biden has prevented genuine social movements from gaining momentum. Revolution requires changing the political landscape. It means banishing the fantasy that the world’s problems can be solved if we just vote for the right Democrat. Eugene Debs understood that the social ills demanded an independent workers’ movement with a strong electoral component. The virtual disappearance of such ideas and goals in the last few generations is one of the reasons for the triumph of the right wing. Real system change is always called too radical to be taken seriously. 
Lesser evilism encourages a race to the bottom. The future doesn’t depend on Biden beating Trump. It depends on all of us who support political revolution. Do we want to change direction or are we content to rubber-stamp the political status quo every election day? If the former, then it’s imperative that we build a socialist party now. We must cease feeding the beast. Biden is part of the system, part of the problem. Running against Trump, Biden assumes the role of the lesser evil. However both have all expressed racism and nativist and views which put them all beyond the pale – whether or not they really believe what they say. But it should also be noted that on many issues – among others, coddling the banksters and corporate profiteers in Wall St, overseas interventions, and even U.S. policy towards Israel and Palestine – Trump’s views, compared to Biden’s, are much the same. Biden helped push through  the Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act, which bore down severely on low income families, disproportionately affecting communities of color and  led eventually to a leap in incarceration rates spawning an industry of private, for-profit prisons. As corporate America grew in strength and political power Biden continued to pander to the wishes of Wall Street.
The only way we can end this lesser evil political circus is by offering an alternative – don’t play the game, don’t be forced into a false and hypocritical ‘choice’. The cardinal rule for the World Socialist Party of the United States is to tell the truth. 
The Democratic Party is not our friend. Nor can it be reformed to do our bidding. The purpose of the Democratic and Republican parties is to keep us enslaved. To pretend otherwise is to sow confusion and carry the ball for the other team. Nothing has held American working people back more than organized labor’s obeisance to the Democrats. Biden doesn’t want to replace or overthrow capitalism. He thinks capitalism can be fixed or tamed with reforms and regulation. By contrast, we socialists understand that the essence of capitalism  private ownership of industry and resources and the exploitation of labor by appropriating surplus value (profit)— is antithetical to democracy. Biden turns a blind eye to the lack of economic democracy that is the very hallmark of the capitalist system.   
If you intend to vote for the lesser evil on November 3rd, go ahead but vote or no vote, all that matters is what you’re going to do for the other 364 days to help bring down this global system of oppression and exploitation. Instead of a candidate who says, ‘I want to talk to you and tell you what I’m going to do for you.’’, working people ought to be saying to politicians, ‘Well, you come and listen to us…we’ll tell you what we want, and you can try to persuade us that you’ll do it; then, maybe we will vote for you”.
 People should get together and discuss, talk about, and argue about what they want. That’s a very different form of democracy.

What is poverty?

What would you estimate is the minimum amount of money you need to get by every day? The figure, of course, depends very much on where you live.  Imagine you’re in a so-called developing country, say in sub-Saharan Africa or Southeast Asia. You might estimate you can get by on $10 if you’re in, say, Kenya as opposed to $20 in Thailand. But how about trying to live on $1.90 a day? 



According to the World Bank, that would put you in “extreme poverty.” Yet the Bank uses that figure as the “International Poverty Line (IPL),” and by that measure, global poverty has been reduced significantly. Which also means that if you’re making two or three times that amount per day, you’re supposed to be overcoming poverty.



Anyone living on $1.90 a day cannot possibly live a meaningful life no matter how defined. In fact, the IPL is a political measure, set deliberately low to show how well the World Bank, other international funding agencies, and governments are doing at overcoming poverty. Governments like the low figure because they can pretend that citizens making the next highest levels of daily income, $3.20 and $5.50, are far more numerous than their poorest cousins. In short, the figure is a great way to evade responsibility.



Philip Alston, who has just left his post as the UN special rapporteur on extreme poverty and human rights, calls the Bank’s $1.90 poverty line, by which it could claim that over 1.1 million people were lifted out of extreme poverty between 1990 and 2015, “scandalously unambitious.” “The best evidence shows it doesn’t even cover the cost of food or housing in many countries,” he said. “The poverty decline it purports to show is due largely to rising incomes in a single country, China. And it obscures poverty among women and those often excluded from official surveys, such as migrant workers and refugees.”



Alston explains, “Even before COVID-19, we squandered a decade in the fight against poverty, with misplaced triumphalism blocking the very reforms that could have prevented the worst impacts of the pandemic. COVID-19 is projected to push hundreds of millions into unemployment and poverty, while increasing the number at risk of acute hunger by more than 250 million. But the international community’s abysmal record on tackling poverty, inequality and disregard for human life far precede this pandemic. Over the past decade, the UN, world leaders and pundits have promoted a self-congratulatory message of impending victory over poverty, but almost all of these accounts rely on the World Bank’s international poverty line, which is utterly unfit for the purpose of tracking such progress.”



The reality about global poverty, which the World Bank would prefer that we forget, is that extreme poverty has hardly improved at all in recent decades. “Even before the pandemic,” Alston says, “3.4 billion people, nearly half the world, lived on less than $5.50 a day. That number has barely declined since 1990.” And with COVID-19, which the World Bank does take into account, “poverty rates will go up as the global economy falls into recession and there is a sharp drop in GDP per capita. The ongoing crisis will erase almost all the progress made in the last five years.” 



The result? The World Bank estimates that 40 million to 60 million people will fall into extreme poverty (under $1.90/day) in 2020, compared to 2019. But again, the Bank uses the same flawed measurement, which means we have to add in (by the Bank’s account) anywhere from 70 to 180 million more people in the $5.50 a day category.



Who benefits from poverty. The Bank says nothing about the world’s richest one percent, whose fortunes never fall, or the tax havens that enable multinational corporations to hide a large percentage of their profits. Again, Philip Alston, in his final report: “Instead multinational companies and investors draw guaranteed profits from public coffers such as through tax havens, while poor communities are neglected and underserved. It’s time for a new approach to poverty eradication that tackles inequality, embraces redistribution, and takes tax justice seriously. Poverty is a political choice and it will be with us until its elimination is reconceived as a matter of social justice.”



Alston told The Guardian that Trump’s policies amount to “a systematic attack on America’s welfare program that is undermining the social safety net for those who can’t cope on their own. Once you start removing any sense of government commitment, you quickly move into cruelty.



Robert Reich, the former labor secretary who often writes on inequality in America, says: “Over the last four decades, the median wage has barely budged. But the incomes of the richest 0.1% have soared by more than 300% and the incomes of the top 0.001% (the 2,300 richest Americans), by more than 600%. The net worth of the wealthiest 0.1% of Americans almost equals that of the bottom 90% combined. This grotesque imbalance is undermining American democracy.”

Vaccine Nationalism Again

Russia is not the only country pursuing domestic politics over global cooperation in the fight against coronavirus. To call this vaccine nationalism seems unnecessary since every stage of the coronavirus crisis has been marked by resurgent nationalism; and by the states previously most invested in the idea of an interconnected world recoiling from it, thrashing about in anger when the system no longer seemed to serve their interests. Take for instance Trump’s sudden discovery that despite its immense wealth, the US doesn’t really make drugs (or gowns, or masks, or ventilators) any more.



The WHO last week warned against “vaccine nationalism”, noting that unless countries cooperate, an actually successful vaccine could touch off a worldwide frenzy. Similar to the scramble for PPE gear and testing reagents when governments seized exports, and the US reportedly tried to intercept other nation’s shipments at global ports, demand for vaccine supplies could result in another pitched battle for limited resources.



While some vaccine projects have promised to make the results as cheap and widely available as possible, others are frighteningly marketised.  A financial analyst was positively giddy speculating that the leading US candidate – Moderna’s mRNA vaccine – could end up selling for more than $70 a dose worldwide, a price that would consign the world’s poorest countries to the back of the line, or out of the line altogether.



The WHO’s solution is to ask countries to join its Access to Covid-19 Tools (ACT) programme, one part of which is dedicated to funding open access research, and buying up stocks of vaccine to ensure equitable distribution. The project recently received $8bn from a group of EU nations, the Gates Foundation, and the Wellcome Trust. A heartening amount, but likely to be swamped by the waves of cash being thrown around by countries trying to go it alone. In the past month the US has inked or began talks for deals with Pfizer ($2bn), GlaxoSmithKline ($2.1bn), Moderna ($1.5bn), and AstraZeneca($1bn) to supply potential vaccines. The UK has signed six such deals, for a combined 340m potential doses, although the pricing isn’t yet known for all of them.



International institutions such as the WHO, which have warned about potential pandemics and created initiatives around vaccine research and distribution and public health preparedness, haven’t been taken seriously or funded at a proper level for years. The groundwork needed for a truly cooperative international response to this crisis should have been laid long ago.



If a vaccine really does mark the end of the crisis, it will be a particularly perverse tragedy if the very nations that have failed up until now manage to turn it into a zero-sum game in which the country with the most money buys the most vaccine – leaving everyone else shut out.



https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2020/aug/14/vaccine-nationalism-stands-in-the-way-of-an-end-to-the-covid-19-crisis

The need for mobility of labour

Germany has a shortage of nurses and caregivers. Health Minister Jens Spahn has made an effort to ease the hiring of foreign workers, but the coronavirus pandemic brought this recruitment drive to a halt.



For years, Germany has reported a dearth of nurses and caregivers. According to German Health Minister Jens Spahn, some 50,000 positions need to be filled. And the German Nursing Council (DPR) predicts up to 300,000 vacant positions may have to be filled until 2030. In 2013, the federal employment agency launched a recruitment drive, encouraging foreign nurses and caregivers to relocate to Germany.



Minister Spahn wanted to lend new momentum to the initiative in 2019, when he traveled to Kosovo and then Mexico, hoping to strike a recruitment deal. After returning, Spahn created a special agency designed to ease immigration for foreign nurses and caregivers. 



Spahn’s ministry, however, informed DW that currently all recruiting efforts have been “indefinitely” suspended due to the pandemic. Presently, 1,300 nurses from Mexico and the Philippines are waiting to have their applications processed.



Thomas Hesse, who heads Saarbrücken hospital’s HR department, is eager to hire more foreign staff. “We need to train up more people here, and hire staff from abroad.” He is convinced this is the only way Germany will be able to tackle the staff shortage in its health care system. Last year, he teamed up with Homburg university hospital, the Carl Duisberg language centers, and Germany’s employment agency to hire Mexican caregivers. Hesse says they are known to be highly trained. But because of the pandemic, they have remained at home, studying German.



Asklepios is Germany’s second largest hospital company, operating about 160 hospitals, nursing homes and other institutions. The company hires international staff by tasking special recruiters. The group employs many Mexican and Filipino nurses. 



A mere4,000 nurses and caregivers from abroad have come to Germany since the country’s employment agency launched its recruitment drive in 2013. Additional staff may have been hired through other agencies. Yet it is unlikely any more foreign nurses and caregivers will come to Germany this year, due to the pandemic.



https://www.dw.com/en/germany-nurses-and-caregivers-from-abroad-wanted/a-54576126

THE DAMNOCRAT

On Tuesday November the 3rd the quadrennial ritual of the voting booth takes place. Based on  Engels’ comment that elections under the conditions of universal suffrage offer a “gauge of the maturity of the working class” we can conclude that the political maturity of the working people is extremely low and one reason is that the American working class does not as yet have its own independent political expression. The glaring weakness of the U.S. left-wing is nowhere more dramatically revealed than it its overwhelming irrelevance to elections.  The inability of the left to serve as a magnet for the popular discontent is a telling commentary on the crisis of the America’s progressive movement.

“The highest form of the state,” writes Engels, “the democratic republic, which under our modern conditions of society is more and more becoming an inevitable necessity, and is the form of state in which alone the last decisive struggle between proletariat and bourgeoisie can be fought out–the democratic republic officially knows nothing any more of property distinctions. In it wealth exercises its power indirectly, but all the more surely. On the one hand, in the form of the direct corruption of officials, of which America provides the classical example; on the other hand, in the form of an alliance between government and stock exchange, which becomes the easier to achieve the more the public debt increases and the more joint stock companies concentrate in their hands not only transport but also production itself, using the stock exchange as their center.”

 How well Engels remarks anticipate the developments of capitalist politics.

Has there been a  presidential election campaign in this century in which the general course of events would have been significantly altered had the presidential election result been reversed?  Presidential elections in the U.S., are where voters are dealt from undoubtedly  stacked deck, one more elaborate charade which can in no way alter or modify either the underlying property relations of the capitalist system or the actual policies that the capitalists seek to pursue over the next four years. The Democrats possess a strategy of running as moderate conservatives to chase and capture the forever rightward-shifting “center.”

Trump has made it clear what is at stake in this November’s presidential election. By the very tone of the Republican campaign, Trump has declared that if he is elected for a second term, he will take it as a mandate to continue his first-term reactionary attacks on the people. He promises to use the power and authority of the White House to carry out the right wing’s ominous agenda. The pervasive message of Trumps whole campaign is one of racism and repression using coded language about “law and order,” “the American family” and “suburbia” to fan up the fears of whites as society polarizes more and more along economic and racial lines. His whole campaign creates an atmosphere in which racist and fascist groups are free to continue their attacks on people of color and workers with impunity. We are told that if a Democratic administration can slow the reactionary tide, even in a small way, it is objectively better for the people. But it is clear that we cannot take confidence from the Biden campaign strategy – a conservative and defensive strategy which focuses on convincing a narrow sector of Republicans while  squandering much of the support that could have led to a Democratic sweep in November. It is clear that Biden and the Democratic Party operatives are not leading the struggle against the right, and in many ways are resisting the movement to open the party up to more radical ideas. The defeat of militant movements within the Democratic Party has allowed the assaults of capital and the rightwing to advance.


The World Socialist Party recognize that politics, political parties, and electoral campaigns represent class interests. The Democratic and Republican parties exist for one reason only: to advance the rule of the capitalist over every aspect of American and world society. They operate on behalf of those who own and control all of American wealth, industry, and institutions of American society. The Democrats and the Republicans represent the corporations of the military-industrial complex, the exploiters and the polluters. They are the ones who profit from the desperate needs of the people. Both Democrats and Republicans represent the same ruling class whose drive for profits takes the country to war, to occupation with military bases throughout the world. Their actions in the White House, in both houses of Congress, and in the judicial system all aim to oil the gears of the private profit system at the expense of working people.


All previous efforts to reform the Democratic Party from within have ended up neutralized as agents of change. The price for entry to party committees, campaign caucuses, the primaries and debates is allegiance and adherence to the DNC party-machine. The WSPUS has a simpler straightforward way to attract radicals and progressive from the Democrats to an independent socialist party: Build it and they will come. A breakaway from the Democratic Party has to have somewhere viable and strong to go. There is no more receptive audience to socialist thinking today than among the activists who are fighting the capitalist parties on the popular issues.


On the other hand, the working people who constitute the overwhelming majority of the people have no political party of their own. They have no instrument to fight for their interests in the American political scene. And, even the working class institutions that do exist such as unions and other working class organizations, are almost entirely linked to one section of the bosses’ political parties. The majority of Americans, the people who work for a living by producing all the goods and providing all the services society needs, have no political representatives and no candidates in the running. 


The main problem with the Green Party is that it does not oppose the capitalist system itself. While they campaign for reforms such as a universal healthcare system, environmental regulation, and more, they offer no real alternative because at heart the Green Party supports the continuation of the capitalist system while seeking to eliminate its worst excesses. But the existence of capitalism depends on the impoverishment of the working class, the despoliation of nature. It depends on war to secure trade routes and resources. Working people have no interest in perpetuating this system. The Green Party does not offer any real alternative because it can’t and won’t break from capitalist politics. It consciously seeks to reform capitalism, not end it. The Green Party politics is capitalist-lite.