Author: ajohnstone

Bill Pritchard – Not Forgotten

 The Late W.A. (Bill Pritchard) was recently featured in the news recently. The Vancouver Sun reminded its readers of the 1933 election campaign between the various conservative parties and the left-wing Cooperative Commonwealth Party. Pritchard had departed the Socialist Party of Canada at the time and was standing in the election for the CCF, bringing with him his reputation as socialist and someone who had been jailed for his involvement in the 1919 Winnipeg General Strike. The Right latched on to that fact in attempt to smear the CCF as radical revolutionaries.

 A future Vancouver mayor Gerry McGeer charged if the CCF won, “it means revolution…and we would lose all our personal freedom.”

Pritchard laughed at the scare tactics used by the traditional parties, such as the “presumption that the CCF intended to teach absolute socialism” in schools.

“Can you imagine anything more ridiculous than an attempt to cram down the throats of children three volumes of Karl Marx?” he said. “Not six men in the whole of the Dominion have read them.”

Pritchard later returned to the Socialist Party of  Canada. 

https://vancouversun.com/news/politics/this-week-in-history-1933-the-ccf-fights-its-first-full-election-in-british-columbia




Buying Power

 The 2020 US election campaigns smashed all records – with presidential and congressional candidates spending a total of almost $14bn – more than double the price tag for 2016.





Pieces of paper (short story)

 A Short Story from the Winter 1984 issue of the World Socialist



George did odd jobs for us every Saturday. He was a tall man . . .  sixty odd . . . ascetically lean of frame and face and his clothes showed, at least, secondary ownership in their shortness and looseness.


He always washed and valeted my car and, in the season, helped Mary in the garden. His manner always seemed slightly obsequious but there was something in the way he called me “sir”, or “Mister” Stevens, that I always found slightly disconcerting.


He had been with us—on Saturdays only, of course—since the time when his reward was a £1 note. Now it was a fiver. Mary said she was ashamed to give him a fiver for five or six hours work but there was no way we could afford more. Indeed, when I finally succumbed to Mary’s persistent pressure and bought our second car—a five-year old Renault 4 that looked its age—we agreed that she would use it sparingly and George’s fiver would pay for the petrol.


When he arrived the following Saturday morning, Mary was upstairs. The previous evening I had argued that, since it was her car that had created the need for us to dispose of George, she should tell him. There’d been a good deal of banter at first but, as always happens when we talk about things related to our domestic budget, Mary becomes defensive and angry. We both knew she would not carry out her threat to get rid of the car but the scene did become unpleasant and Mary slept with our baby daughter, Carol, that night.


As I said, next morning when George arrived Mary stayed upstairs. All morning I’d been thinking about George. He rarely mentioned anything about his personal life to me but, over the years, Mary had learnt a lot. She always made him a cup of tea and they would talk during the short period he would spend with her in the kitchen.


The accumulated tit-bits of George’s revelations added up to a fairly full biography of poverty and misery. His father had died in the First World War, six months before George was born, and his early years had be’en a grim apprenticeship in privation before “the real luxury” (his actual words, often quoted by Mary when she talked about him) of army life during the Second World War. He had not been wounded—not hit with a bullet or shrapnel or anything like that—but he had spent six days in a farm outhouse in France, pinned down by crossfire between a stubborn rearguard of panzers and a section of the advancing allied forces. The experience had been pretty grim— one could almost say, harrowing—and had undoubtedly left a mark on George.


One of his two comrades was killed the first day when the outhouse was swept with machine gun fire from one side or the other. His body had lain “laughing”—again, a direct quote—in the corner, frightening George and his companion more than the hellish cacophony outside. After two days, without food and with the water gone, George and his comrade decided to make their escape during a lull in the fighting.


His companion was in front as, bending low, they prepared to move through the door of the outhouse. When he was shot he fell back onto George. He lived for three more days, across in the corner opposite the laughing corpse, and, all the time, he maintained a delirious soliloquy in a sad, low voice.


The man was obviously one of those characters who had read a great deal; a sort of autodidact, full of unconnected knowledge. Unquestionably deranged, he punctuated his monologue every now and then with a question and then proceeded to answer his own question. These questions and answers were, apparently, quite fierce assaults on the values and standards that underpin our whole way-of-life. Not the sort of talk that a reasonable, civilised human being would normally indulge in but, in the thick of it, so to speak, dying and all that . . . I suppose, really, some men die less bravely than others. George was not too sure about the answers the dying man had given himself but he did, unfortunately, remember the questions and he did remember the other saying, a short time before he fell silent forever, “How can patriotism be a good thing? It’s a fucking killing disease!”


The experience had left a grim shadow on George’s mind. He was obviously a wee bit . . .  well, not quite . . . right. Not crazy, you understand; just a bit . . . peculiar.


He always talked about the less seemly things. I’m in insurance and one day I was foolish enough to comment on some aspect of my work. George said, “Humanity should be its own insurance”. I was slightly non-plussed. “What do you mean, George?” I asked, indulgently. He looked at me, his mind probably back in that hellhole in France, then he seemed to draw back, “Just seems to me, Mr Stevens, that people can make enough of the things they need to ensure them against every contingency. It’s the paper, sir, the pieces of paper, that cause all the problems.” I didn’t say anything in reply; George was . . .  innocent, so naive, and, as I have said, a little . . .  peculiar.


It was his peculiarities I was thinking about as I asked him to sit down at the table in the kitchen that Saturday morning. I had decided to give him the fiver first, and, then, the bad news—and I wouldn’t ask him to clean the car or attend the garden. Christ! Mary had left me in a bloody spot and now she was huffing in the bedroom. All because of a miserable, second-hand banger. What the hell—I couldn’t afford a fiver! Irrelevantly, I thought about being forty next birthday.


When George had sat down I gave him the tin of beer I normally held over for myself—for Sunday. He listened to my explanation; I was completely frank— though I maybe did overstate Mary’s need for the Renault. When I was finished, he was silent and I felt the need to go on. The proffered fiver lay on the table between us—stark, embarrassing. “Of course, George, you realise, with the mortgage, the rates, the payments on the car . . . well, really, everything, and the recession . . . Less demand for insurance now. Ironically, more need, but less demand. Business is in a hell of a way. Well, you know it yourself, there’s acres of unsold cars down there at the car plant—I’m told they are going to lay off another eight hundred next week—probably another load of lapsed policies! But what can they do? No point making more cars to rust in the fields beside the others. Jesus, George, if Mary could have done without the car—say car easy; it’s really an old banger—probably another headache! But, with Carol starting school and all . . . “


I looked at him; his eyes were half-closed and his face was set in such a curious way that the thought occurred to me that his . . . his mental state might not be quite as congenial as I had imagined. Desperately I searched for words that might assuage his anger and I found them in the most disarming honesty of self-analysis I had ever subjected myself to. It was my moment before death; a brutal revelation of my hidden anger. Anger at my life, my job, anger, even, at Mary—my God! even at the child! How easy it would be if it was only me—if I were alone! George’s voice stopped me and, fleetingly, I reflected that he was alone.


“Mister Stevens”. It was as though he had shouted “stop!”. Then, quietly, “Mr Stevens, it’s all mad, isn’t it, sir? All the pretence. Disguising ourselves even from ourselves. You know, Mr Stevens, there’s the world out there . . . a veritable fairyland of everything. Everything. And there’s more besides; oh, aye, far more for everybody that needs or wants more, if we were allowed to grow it or make it. And, y’know, few would really want more if everybody had enough. But it’s the pieces of paper, Mr Stevens . . . The pieces of paper. The bloody title deeds, the certificates, the banknotes—the whole, bloody, wasteful documentation of human servitude. It’s the pieces of paper that restricts and demeans us. If we could only use the technology, the machines, the computers and all the rest, use them in the same way as our primitive forefathers used their clubs and spears, we’d maybe be civilised. Jesus, sir, even the language of it all is . . . obscene . . . humiliating!”


I had never heard George swear before and I was, frankly, a little afraid. Hoping to terminate the interview, I stood up, lifted the five pound note from the table and forced it into George’s hands, clasped on the table. “It is a funny old world, George”, I said, with more lightness than I felt. Then, really feeling the moment, “I really do wish I could help you, George—you know . . . help in an ongoing way. Something sort of . . .  permanent. But what can I . . .”


He stood up, uncrumbling the note in his hands, then he bent across and, almost ceremoniously, left the fiver in the middle of the table. I was startled when he put a hand on my shoulder, but his eyes were soft and, strangely sad and, when he spoke, his voice was laden with . . .  with pity!


“No, Mr Stevens. I don’t want to hurt you, sir, nor would I want to. But you really need the money, Mr Stevens. Oh, you do, sir! Funny how a miserable little piece of printed paper can come between people . . .  cause hurt. And it can cause hurt, sir, hurt and hunger—even death. I wish I could help you, Mr Stevens; you and the millions of others. But it’s hard to see beyond the bits of paper.”


I bought two new car mats for Mary’s Renault with the fiver and it was the difference between love and war in our house that weekend! She didn’t sleep in Carol’s room on Saturday night and, for a long time, we both lay in bed talking about George. Mary listened while I told her all about the morning’s conversation. She was quite distressed; she really liked old George. Afterwards, when we had changed the subject, she said, quietly and irrelevantly, “Isn’t it funny the way the war affected some people”.


Richard Montague

Socialist Sonnet No. 8

Q. Conspiracy

 

There’s a cabal of Satanists planning

To conquer the world, a secretive sect

Of ballot blaggers. This deep state elect,

A liberal elite bent on unmanning

Upstanding and righteous average Joes

Who think themselves free to be the best pal

Of libertarian capital:

Though capital couldn’t care less, and it shows.

Profit trumps all, whatever it might be:

Rising unemployment and falling wages,

Global warming, famine, while war rages,

Closed borders, migrants left drowning at sea.

While conspiracy remains in season,

People conspire in betrayal of reason.

D. A.

Socialist Sonnet No. 8

Q. Conspiracy

 

There’s a cabal of Satanists planning

To conquer the world, a secretive sect

Of ballot blaggers. This deep state elect,

A liberal elite bent on unmanning

Upstanding and righteous average Joes

Who think themselves free to be the best pal

Of libertarian capital:

Though capital couldn’t care less, and it shows.

Profit trumps all, whatever it might be:

Rising unemployment and falling wages,

Global warming, famine, while war rages,

Closed borders, migrants left drowning at sea.

While conspiracy remains in season,

People conspire in betrayal of reason.

D. A.

The Pandemic and Billionaires

  



report published Wednesday by a coalition of advocacy groups  entitled Billionaire Wealth vs. Community Health: Protecting Essential Workers from Pandemic Profiteers,  focuses on 12 of the most egregious pandemic profiteers—the “Delinquent Dozen”—who include the owners of Walmart and the CEOs of Amazon and Target.

These companies and their owners and executives have benefited from their “monopoly positions,” the report states, but their success “hasn’t translated into better pay or safer working conditions for the employees showing up to work in a pandemic.”

It’s not just corporations—”private equity firms have bought up essential businesses in the healthcare, grocery, and pet care industries, only to aggressively cut costs, skimp on worker safety, and load companies up with debt to boost their own profits,” the report notes.

Among its key findings:

1) As of November 17, the combined wealth of 647 U.S. billionaires increased by almost $960 billion since mid-March, the beginning of the pandemic lockdown.2) Since March, there are 33 new billionaires in the U.S. Driving this exploding inequality are 12 companies whose profits are coming at the expense of workers and communities, including retailers like Walmart, Amazon, Target, and Dollar Tree, and Dollar Store, gig economy companies like Instacart, and food producers like Tyson Foods.3) Also included is the investment giant BlackRock and private equity firms like Leonard Green Partners, Blackstone, Kohlberg, Kravis Roberts & Co., Cerberus Capital, BC Partners, and CVC Capital Partners. These private equity firms own several essential healthcare, grocery, and pet supply companies.4) Ten billionaire owners of “Delinquent Dozen” companies have a combined worth of $433 billion. Since March 18, their combined personal wealth has ballooned by $127.5 billion, a 42% increase. These 10 billionaires are: Jeff Bezos (Amazon); Alice, Rob, and Jim Walton (Walmart); Apoorva Mehta (Instacart); John Tyson (Tyson Foods); Steve Schwarzman (Blackstone); Henry Kravis and George Roberts (KKR); and Steve Feinberg (Cerberus).

Where millions of Americas saw fear and financial insecurity, a few wealthy CEOs saw a chance to profit — and they capitalized on it, heavily.


“The contrast between billionaires making no sacrifice while their essential workers make the ultimate sacrifice, risking their health, their families, and their livelihoods is both unethical and corrupt,” Chuck Collins, a senior scholar at the Institute for Policy Studies and one of the authors of the report.


https://www.commondreams.org/news/2020/11/18/billionaire-bonanza-continues-workers-pounded-pandemic-recession-and-gop-relief

Australian War Crimes in Afghanistan



39 people were murdered by Australian special forces personnel, predominantly from the Special Air Service regiment. None were alleged to have occurred in circumstances in which the intent of the perpetrator was unclear, confused or mistaken.  It includes alleged instances in which newer patrol members were coerced to shoot a prisoner to achieve that soldier’s first kill in an appalling practice known as blooding. Weapons and radios were reportedly planted to support claims that people killed were enemy killed in action. Those killed were prisoners, farmers or other civilians.

Military sociologist Samantha Crompvoets, who was tasked with examining special forces culture and began to hear disturbing allegations of war crimes.

One soldier told her:

“Guys just had this blood lust,” he said. “Psychos. Absolute psychos. And we bred them.”

She heard one allegation that two 14-year-old boys were stopped by SAS, who decided they might be Taliban sympathisers. Their throats were slit.

“The rest of the troop then had to ‘clean up the mess’ by finding others to help dispose of the bodies,” Crompvoets reported. “In the end, the bodies were bagged and thrown in a nearby river.”

Previous convictions (short story)

 A Short Story from the Spring 1985 issue of the World Socialist



I was fifteen before it dawned on me that the pain I had been getting between the eyes was not a malignant tumour which would quickly grow to the size of a melon, invading every lobe, capillary and ventricle of my brain until I was blind, deaf and dumb and reducing me to a dribbling, mewling vegetable until I died in excruciating agony – but only a bad case of boredom with school.


I cut down at once on my aspirin intake and my sense of recovery was complete when I realised that my boredom was not entirely due to my being a loutish, spotty adolescent but was also something to do with how I was treated in the classroom. My school masters were bringing me to a state bordering on sensory deprivation by “teaching” me stuff which was patently incorrect. It was too much, to expect them to make it interesting.


In any case I was feeling dissatisfied with society at large – although pretty satisfied with myself – because of my recent addiction to politics. My theories were startlingly simple and illuminating false. Before 1939 there had been all sorts of problems – slump, unemployment, extreme poverty, strikes, culminating in the war itself. The governing party for those years had been the Conservatives. Therefore, those problems had been preconceived, designed and implemented by the Tories. Therefore, the way to a happier, abundant, peaceful society was through ditching the Tories and electing a Labour government.


I was in favour of nationalising everything; the state machine was potentially the overall benefactor of us all and must be given the chance to operate in this way. I propounded this idea with an arrogance which bewildered my parents and irritated my schoolmates. Any event in the entire history of the human race could be quickly explained by me in a few illuminating words, leading to the conclusion that Clement Attlee should be Prime Minister. This made things rather difficult for me at school but I was saved from the inevitable crisis confrontation by a bout of food poisoning, the symptoms of which lingered for months, until I could reproduce them almost at will. Eventually, a kindly but gullible doctor diagnosed me as a case of neurasthenia and in need of a long rest. I had, he surmised, suffered emotional damage through the stresses of the war – the air raids, the rationing, the worry of the king having to be evacuated to Balmoral when a stray German bomb fell in the capacious grounds of Buckingham Palace. The timing of this diagnosis was lucky for me; with suspicious speed the school accepted the suggestion that I leave early and I was allowed to step through the gates for the last time, into an agreeable year of reading, dreaming and political activity.


I blush now to recall what that activity amounted to. I had spent much of that early summer working frenziedly for the return of the 1945 Labour government. Each evening, instead of crouching over my homework, I had gone to the local Labour committee rooms, gathered up literature and canvassing cards and sallied out to harangue countless bemused voters on the evils of pre-war Toryism. My special devils were Baldwin and Chamberlain; if anyone was unkind enough to remind me of Macdonald and Snowden I contemptuously dismissed them as under-cover Tories who had been exposed just in time to save the soul of the Labour Party, which was now safe with Attlee, Bevin, Morrison . . . 


The constituency I campaigned in had been traditionally a safe Conservative seat, which a blue-rosetted monkey could have won but which was held by a titled fop who could hardly put together a coherent speech and who had insurmountable problems in answering the simplest of questions. At his public meetings my seething outrage would erupt into shrill schoolboy heckling. Even worse to me, the MP had been an admirer of the Third Reich and had posed for photographs beside Hitler at big Nazi rallies. In the 1945 delusions about Labour’s brave new world that was the sort of constituency which fell in droves to the Labour Party but in this case the fop held on by his manicured finger nails, keeping a little patch of blue on the constituency map amid an ocean of red. My chagrin at our failure to humiliate the Nazi baronet was mollified by my pleasure at the overwhelming return of the Labour government. As the committee rooms shut down I began to spend my time at numerous ward, committee and Labour League of Youth meetings. I now had the party members to harass instead of the voters on their doorsteps and I was not overwhelmingly popular but I justified it by saying that there was a lot to prepare for; the workers of Britain, after almost fifty years of travail, was about to arrive at the Promised Land.


The rest is a history which did not reassure me in the making. Right at the beginning, Clement Attlee went to Buckingham Palace not, as I had dreamed, to inform the king that the revolution had come and that henceforth the royal homes would be taken over as shelter for homeless workers who, after all, had won the war and then put Labour in power. Instead, he went to kiss hands, swear loyalty and agree to form a government which would keep the class represented by the royals secure in their wealth and privilege. Then the Russian workers became abruptly transformed from our staunch allies in the fight against fascism into our mortal enemies. We could not, it seemed, expect to arrive at the Promised Land until we had dealt with the threat from Moscow and with other enemies as well – unofficial strikes, the Greek Communists, the Communist Party over here, the East Germans, the North Koreans, the Chinese. The list seemed endless; it even included the Americans, whose dominant economy had undermined the Imperial Preference system, which was supposed to bring such benefits to us from the British Empire. It was all very confusing and frustrating to a recent survivor of brain cancer and adolescent acne and I resolved to look elsewhere for the soul of true socialism.


I began, daringly, to attend public meetings addressed by dissident Labour MPs like Konni Zilliacus and John Platt-Mills who, in spite of their membership of the party, seemed to oppose almost everything the government did. In particular they were clear that the Russian ruling class, headed by the remote and sinister Joseph Stalin, was devoted to PEACE while the American rulers, represented by bland, diminutive Harry Truman, was intent on WAR. These dupes of the Communist Party – which itself was a collection of unwavering dupes of Russian capitalism – appealed to my sense of outrage and bewilderment at the compliance of the Attlee government with so many of the things I wanted to see abolished from human society. The Communist Party began to look very attractive to me. Of course there were a few problems in arguing away a great deal of recent history and experience –  the show trials of the ’30s, the Russo-German pact, the murders and repressions of Stalin’s pitiless rule – but I managed it. My time in the Labour Party had obviously taught me something.


And that is about when I met Charlie who, wherever he is now, is probably unaware of his vital, unintentional, formative influence on my political ideas. Charlie was an old friend of the family; in the army during the war he had been through some nasty battles and had been demobilised to a homeless wife and child. He at once joined the local squatters movement, which was taking over disused military buildings under the encouragement of the Communist Party. Once his family was housed, Charlie joined the CP; he also got himself a job as a bus conductor and it was on his bus that I met him again, one morning in the dreadful winter of 1946/7, as I hunched miserably against the cold in a workbound trolley-bus. I was startled to feel my proffered fare pressed firmly back into my hand and looked up as Charlie grinned an invitation to “have this ride for nothing, Comrade”.


I began to see a lot of Charlie after that and we always argued about politics, with me too ready to accept his Stalinist chop-logic, if only because it always led me to the conclusion that what really mattered was the “education of the workers” – with people like us, of course, as the educators. This encouraged Charlie to believe that he had persuaded me into joining the CP and indeed that may have come about, had we not arranged to meet one Saturday evening at the local common, where all sorts of political and religious groups held outdoor meetings. I really went along in the hope of getting in a bit of Tory-bashing (in spite of all my doubts and confusion, they were still the final enemy). I moved from one platform to another until I came to one where a young guy with daringly long hair was speaking about a world without classes, money, war.


A few weeks later, trembling with anxiety, I applied to join my local Socialist Party of Great Britain branch. Charlie was furious: “Armchair bleeding theorists,” he snarled, “Better than actually doing anything though, ennit?” He just did not know what a relief it was to be free of those political agonies of my schooldays, not to have to chop and twist in order to survive in a discussion, to have an explanation of society and an arguable reason, instead of an emotional spasm, as the basis of working for a new world order. It still worried my parents but with my previous convictions in the past, I became a reformed character.
IVAN