Author: ajohnstone

Kentucky and Climate Change

 Kentucky’s climate is changing quickly. The Bluegrass State is the ninth most threatened state in the country by long-term climate change impacts, according to a recent study  based on data from Climate Central. That puts it ahead of even California, where wildfires recently have wreaked havoc. Erratic weather, exceptional heat, drought, wildfires and flooding all threaten Kentucky.

Kentucky is a microcosm of the nation’s climate dilemma: the effects of the climate crisis are clear here, but legacy interests and the forces of change are at an impasse. “There’s a lag between where we need to be and where we’re at right now,” said Lane Boldman, who directs the Kentucky Conservation Committee, a nonprofit environmental policy group. “And there really isn’t a lot of time.”

 According to a study this month by Yale and George Mason universities, Kentucky is one of only four states in the country where a majority of adults do not believe global warming is caused by humans.

Coal industry ties run deep, however, and, for many, talk of change is anathema. The state legislature has mostly avoided the climate issue. And US Senate majority leader Mitch McConnell, by far the state’s best-known politician, has been a dedicated opponent of climate action. McConnell has accepted more than $3m from the coal, oil and gas industries over the course of his career. Critics say he’s returned the favor with handouts – tax breaks and regulatory cuts – to keep the dying industry aloft. In 2017, McConnell joined the Trump administration in urging America’s withdrawal from the Paris climate Agreement. In 2019, he engineered what he admitted was “a show vote” intended to kill the Green New Deal. Meanwhile, McConnell sits on the Senate agriculture committee but has seemed indifferent to how climate change threatens Kentucky’s sizable agricultural sector.

Similar apathy reigns in the state legislature, where Republicans hold a lock on both houses. The chair of the House Natural Resources and Energy committee, Jim Gooch, for example, told Louisville’s WFPL radio station recently that the science on climate change remains unsettled. Other legislators seem still beholden to the coal industry, reform advocates say, and to utility companies.

The coal industry employed some 38,000 Kentuckians when McConnell took office in 1985; it’s below 4,000 today. Workers in the mountainous eastern part of the state have found themselves laid off and uncompensated for their work by coal bosses. And deregulation has led to one of the worst black lung epidemics on record. Eastern Kentucky counties are among the poorest in the nation, with poverty rates around 40%. The water in some of those counties is either undrinkable or unaffordable.

Three of the five wettest years on record in the state have been in the last decade, and this summer saw the most rain of any two-month period on record going back to 1895. More rain can boost crops, but in many parts of Kentucky rain now comes in unhelpful torrents. In both the eastern mountains and urban areas, excessive rain has contributed to severe and frequent flooding. In Louisville, this year, rain has turned neighborhoods into swamps and devastated businesses. The precipitation uptick is “very much consistent” with scientific projections for how climate change will play out in the state, Stuart Foster, Kentucky’s state climatologist, said.

https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2020/sep/24/kentuckys-climate-is-suffering-can-the-state-slip-the-industry-ties-that-prevent-change

Nationalism



 Oliver Healey writes in flowery terms (Letters, September 10).

Capitalism is not the product of a financial conspiracy, and workers have always supported and voted for the continuation of capitalism. By contrast, communists such as Karl Marx sought capitalism’s overthrow, and also rejected the reformist half-measures of his contemporary, Eduard Bernstein. So much so, the Communist manifesto concluded – in what Healey might consider oppositional and confrontational terms – that the proletarians have nothing to lose but their chains; they have a world to win. This means defending tariffs and high wages are protecting the crumbs when Marxists want to capture the whole bakery.

In the here and now, collective organising can achieve better conditions, but it will be workers organising for themselves, not tariffs (or even particularly Marxists), let alone the coercing of foreign states. Ruling classes of imagined communities of ‘nations’ (all existing states, which are sort of a monopoly themselves) are part of the problem.

Jon D White

email

https://www.weeklyworker.co.uk/worker/1316/letters/

The Palm Oil Industry

 An Associated Press investigation found  in Malaysia and neighboring Indonesia – an invisible workforce consisting of millions of laborers from some of the poorest corners of Asia, many of them enduring various forms of exploitation, with the most serious abuses including child labor, outright slavery and allegations of rape. Together, the two countries produce about 85 percent of the world’s estimated $65 billion palm oil supply  which its way into the supply chains of the planet’s most iconic food and cosmetics companies like Unilever, L’Oreal, Nestle and Procter & Gamble.

Palm oil is virtually impossible to avoid. Often disguised on labels as an ingredient listed by more than 200 names, it can be found in roughly half the products on supermarket shelves and in most cosmetic brands. It’s in paints, plywood, pesticides and pills. It’s also present in animal feed, biofuels and even hand sanitizer. A half-century ago, palm oil was just another commodity that thrived in the tropics. Many Western countries relied on their own crops like soybean and corn for cooking, until major retailers discovered the cheap oil from Southeast Asia had almost magical qualities. It had a long shelf life, remained nearly solid at room temperature and didn’t smoke up kitchens, even when used for deep-frying. When researchers started warning that trans fats like those found in margarine posed serious health risks, demand for palm oil soared even higher. Just about every part of the fruit is used in manufacturing, from the outer flesh to the inner kernel, and the versatility of the oil itself and its derivatives seem endless. It helps keep oily substances from separating and turns instant noodles into steaming cups of soup, just by adding hot water. It’s used in baby formula, non-dairy creamers and supplements and is listed on the labels of everything from Jif Natural peanut butter to Kit-Kat candy bars. Often hidden amid a list of scientific names on labels, it’s equally useful in a host of cleansers and makeup products. It bubbles in shampoo, foams in Colgate toothpaste, moisturizes Dove soap and helps keep lipstick from melting. But the convenience comes with a cost: For workers, harvesting the fruit can be brutal.

Crops like rapeseed, sesame and corn require a lot more land while producing far less oil. Malaysia and Indonesia started ramping up commercial production in the 1960s and ’70s, supported by the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, which saw palm oil as an engine for economic growth in the developing world. Today, following advances in transportation and capabilities in refining, the two countries have a near-monopoly on the global supply, even as production expands across Africa and Latin America, where a litany of labor abuses also have been reported. China and India have become major customers, and the crop now is being eyed as a potential energy source for power plants, ships and airplanes, which would create even more demand.

“If the whole Western world would stop using palm oil, I don’t think that would make any difference,” said Gerrit van Duijn, a former refineries manager at Unilever, one of the world’s largest palm oil buyers for food and personal care products. The trees take only three or four years to mature and then bear fruit year-round for up to three decades. But most companies can’t maintain the pace of expansion without outside funding. Every 10,000 acres of new planting requires up to $50 million, van Duijn estimates.



AP interviewed  current and former workers from two dozen palm oil companies who came from eight countries and labored on plantations across wide swaths of Malaysia and Indonesia. Almost all had complaints about their treatment, with some saying they were cheated, threatened, held against their will or forced to work off unsurmountable debts. Others said they were regularly harassed by authorities, swept up in raids and detained in government facilities.

They included members of Myanmar’s long-persecuted Rohingya minority, who fled ethnic cleansing in their homeland only to be sold into the palm oil industry. Fishermen who escaped years of slavery on boats also described coming ashore in search of help, but instead ending up being trafficked onto plantations — sometimes with police involvement.

Though labor issues have largely been ignored, the punishing effects of palm oil on the environment have been decried for years. Still, giant Western financial institutions like Deutsche Bank, BNY Mellon, Citigroup, HSBC and the Vanguard Group have continued to help fuel a crop that has exploded globally, soaring from just 5 million tons in 1999 to 72 million today, according to the U.S. Department of Agriculture. The U.S. alone has seen a 900 percent spike in demand during that same time.

Sometimes they invest directly but, increasingly, third parties are used like Malaysia-based Maybank, one of the world’s biggest palm oil financiers, which not only provides capital to growers but, in some cases, processes the plantations’ payrolls. Financial crimes experts say that in an industry rife with a history of problems, banks should flag arbitrary and inconsistent wage deductions as potential indicators of forced labor. 

“This has been the industry’s hidden secret for decades,” said Gemma Tillack of the U.S.-based Rainforest Action Network, which has exposed labor abuses on palm oil plantations. “The buck stops with the banks. It is their funding that makes this system of exploitation possible.”

 As global demand for palm oil surges, plantations are struggling to find enough laborers, frequently relying on brokers who prey on the most at-risk people. Many foreign workers end up fleeced by a syndicate of recruiters and corrupt officials and often are unable to speak the local language, rendering them especially susceptible to trafficking and other abuses. They sometimes pay up to $5,000 just to get their jobs, an amount that could take years to earn in their home countries, often showing up for work already crushed by debt. Many have their passports seized by company officials to keep them from running away, which the United Nations recognizes as a potential flag of forced labor. Countless others remain off the books and are especially scared of speaking out. They include migrants working without documentation and children who AP reporters witnessed squatting in the fields like crabs, picking up loose fruit alongside their parents. Many women also work for free or on a day-to-day basis, earning the equivalent of as little as $2 a day, sometimes for decades.

The uneven jungle terrain is rough and sometimes flooded. The palms themselves serve as a wind barrier, creating sauna-like conditions, and harvesters need incredible strength to hoist long poles with sickles into the towering trees. Each day, they must balance the tool while carefully slicing down spiky fruit bunches heavy enough to maim or kill, tending hundreds of trees over expanses that can stretch beyond 10 football fields. Those who fail to meet impossibly high quotas can see their wages reduced, sometimes forcing entire families into the fields to make the daily number.

“I work as a helper with my husband to pick up loose fruit. I do not get paid,” said Yuliana, who labors on a plantation owned by London Sumatra, which has a history of labor issues and is owned by one of the world’s largest instant-noodle makers.

Female workers from other companies who said they were sexually harassed and even raped in the fields, including some minors. Workers also complained about a lack of access to medical care or clean water, sometimes collecting rain runoff to wash the residue from their bodies after spraying dangerous pesticides or scattering fertilizer.

While previous media reports have mostly focused on a single company or plantation, the AP investigation is the most comprehensive dive into labor abuses industrywide. It found widespread problems on plantations big and small, including some that meet certification standards set by the global Roundtable on Sustainable Palm Oil, an association that promotes ethical production — including the treatment of workers — and whose members include growers, buyers, traders and environmental watchdogs. Some of the same companies that display the RSPO’s green palm logo signifying its seal of approval are accused of continuing to grab land from indigenous people and destroying virgin rainforests that are home to orangutans and other critically endangered species. They contribute to climate change by cutting down trees, draining carbon-rich peatlands and using illegal slash-and-burn clearing that routinely blankets parts of Southeast Asia in a thick haze. 

While some companies, such as Ikea, Colgate-Palmolive and Unilever, directly confirmed the use of palm oil or its derivatives in their products, others refused to say or provided minimal information, sometimes even when “palm oil” was clearly listed on labels. Others said it was difficult to know if their products contained the ingredient because, in items such as cosmetics and cleaning supplies, some names listed on labels could instead be derived from coconut oil or a synthetic form.

“I understand why companies are struggling because palm oil has such a bad reputation,” said said Didier Bergeret, director of social sustainability at the Consumer Goods Forum, a global industry group. “Even if it’s sustainable, they don’t feel like talking about it whatsoever.” 

Malaysia and Indonesia have long touted the golden crop as vital to alleviating poverty, saying small-time farmers are able to grow their own palm oil and large industrial estates provide much-needed jobs to workers from poor areas. 

Soes Hindharno, spokesman for the Indonesian Ministry of Manpower and Transmigration, told the AP that many Indonesian workers who cross over to Malaysia illegally to work on plantations “are easily intimidated, their wages are cut or they are threatened with reporting and deportation.” Some have their passports seized by their employers, he said. 

The workers AP interviewed came from Indonesia, Malaysia, Bangladesh, India, Nepal, the Philippines and Cambodia, along with Myanmar, which represents the newest army of exploited laborers. Among the latter are stateless Rohingya Muslims. Decades of oppression and outbreaks of violence have sent nearly a million Rohingya fleeing Myanmar in the last five years. Sayed was among those who escaped by boat — only to be held hostage, he said, and tortured by human traffickers in a jungle camp in Thailand. After his relatives paid a ransom, Sayed said he was sent to Muslim-majority Malaysia, where thousands of Rohingya have sought refuge. He heard about a job paying workers without permits the equivalent of $14 a day, so he jumped into the back of a truck with eight other men and watched for hours as the busy highways narrowed to a dirt mountain track surrounded by an endless green carpet of palm oil trees. Once on the plantation, Sayed said he lived in an isolated lean-to, dependent on his boss to bring what little rice and dried fish he was given to eat. He said he escaped after working a month and was later arrested, spending a year and a half in an immigration detention center, where guards beat him.

“There is no justice,” he said. “People here say, ‘This is not your country, we will do whatever we want.’”

Rights groups confirmed being double-trafficked is not uncommon, especially five to 10 years ago, when recruiters and human traffickers would wait along the coast for runaway fishermen. Last year in Malaysia, another Cambodian man who said he spent five years enslaved at sea and four more on plantations was among those who surfaced. Instead of being repatriated as a victim of human trafficking, rights groups said he was jailed for months for being in the country illegally. 

“We gave our sweat and blood for palm oil,” Ko Htwe said. “We were forced to work and were abused.” When Americans and Europeans see palm oil is listed as an ingredient in their snacks, he said, they should know “it’s the same as consuming our sweat and blood.” 

Asian banks are by far the most robust financiers of the plantations, but Western lenders and investment companies have poured almost $12 billion into palm oil plantations in the last five years alone, allowing for the razing and replanting of ever-expanding tracts of land, according to Forest and Finance, a database run by six nonprofit organizations that track money flowing to palm oil companies. The U.S institutions BNY Mellon, Charles Schwab Corp., Bank of America, JPMorgan Chase & Co., and Citigroup Inc., along with Europe’s HSBC, Standard Chartered, Deutsche Bank, Credit Suisse and Prudential, together account for $3.5 billion of that, according to the data. Other contributors include U.S. state pensions and teachers’ unions, including CalPERS, California’s massive public employees fund, and insurance companies such as State Farm, meaning that even conscientious consumers many unwittingly be supporting the industry just by visiting ATMs, mortgaging homes, insuring cars or investing in 401K retirement accounts. Bank of America, HSBC, Standard Chartered, Deutsche Bank, Credit Suisse, CalPERS and State Farm responded by noting their policies vowing to support sustainability practices in the palm oil industry, with many also incorporating human rights into their guidelines. JPMorgan Chase declined comment, and BNY Mellon, Citigroup and Prudential did not respond. Charles Schwab called its investment “small.” Malaysia’s biggest bank, Malayan Banking Berhad. More commonly known as Maybank, it has provided almost $4 billion in financing to Southeast Asia’s palm oil industry between 2015 and 2020, or about 10 percent of all loans and underwriting services, according to Forests and Finance. Maybank has some of the loosest social and environmental assessment policies in the industry, its shareholders include institutions such as the Vanguard Group, BlackRock and State Street Corp. 

The biggest gains for banks affiliated with palm oil come from big-ticket financial services, such as corporate loans. But some of the same institutions also offer banking services for workers, handling payrolls and installing ATM machines inside plantations.

“And this is where banks, such as Maybank, may find themselves at the heart of a forced-labor problem,” said Duncan Jepson, managing director of the global anti-trafficking nonprofit group Liberty Shared. “Financial institutions have ethical and contractual obligations to all their clients, as set out in the customer charters. In this case, that means both the palm oil company and its workers.” Jepson said abnormal paycheck deductions are commonplace industry-wide, which should trigger investigations by the banks’ risk management teams into possible money-laundering. 

FGV Holdings, which employs nearly 30,000 foreign workers and manages about 1 million acres, has a 50/50 joint-venture with American consumer goods giant Procter & Gamble Company. FGV Holdings has been under fire for labor abuses and was sanctioned by the RSPO certification group two years ago. The U.S. State Department has long linked the palm oil industry in Malaysia and Indonesia to exploitation and trafficking. And a 2018 report released by the Consumer Goods Forum found indicators of forced labor on estates in both countries — essentially putting the network’s 400 CEOs on alert. Its members include palm oil customers like Nestle, General Mills Inc., PepsiCo Inc., Colgate-Palmolive Company and Johnson & Johnson.

https://apnews.com/7b634596270cc6aa7578a062a30423bb



Volkswagen and the Brasilian Dictators

 Volkswagen says it will pay $6.4m (£5m) in compensation to former workers at a Brazilian factory who sued the company for collaborating with the country’s military during the 1964-1985 dictatorship.  400 people were killed and around 40,000 people were tortured during Brazil’s dictatorship.

 VW agents gave employees’ names to police hunting for people described as “subversives”. They were then detained and tortured. Others were sacked and placed on blacklists. Many were unable to find work for years afterwards.


 Company security agents monitored employees and informed military authorities when illegal left-wing flyers and newspapers were found.


“The management of VW do Brasil exhibited unreserved loyalty towards the military government,” Christopher Kopper, a history professor at Germany’s Bielefeld University, found.
“I was at work when two people with machine guns came up to me,” Mr Bellentani, an activist, said. “They held my arms behind my back and immediately put me in handcuffs. As soon as we arrived in Volkswagen’s security centre, the torture began. I was beaten, punched and slapped.”


Australia’s Banksters

 Australia’s Westpac bank has negotiated to pay a record A$1.3bn (£0.7bn; $0.9bn) fine for the nation’s biggest breach of money laundering laws.

Last year, Australia’s financial crime watchdog said the bank had failed to adequately report over 19 million international transactions.  It will be the largest civil penalty in Australian corporate history.


Some payments were potentially linked to child exploitation, officials said. Concerns about child exploitation came after the Australian Transaction Reports and Analysis Centre (Austrac)  identified payments made to suspected operators in the Phillipines. Australian media has since linked the bank to individual cases, including an alleged paedophile’s suspected use of Westpac’s transfer system to pay for child sex overseas.
In Australia, Westpac’s competitor Commonwealth Bank paid an A$700m fine for similar breaches in 2018 involving 53,000 suspect transactions. The nation’s banking sector was last year also the subject of a royal commission – Australia’s highest form of public inquiry – that exposed widespread wrongdoing in the industry.


China’s Mega-rich

 The richest person is China is a bottled water tycoon, Zhong Shanshan who founded Nongfu Spring in 1996 in the Zhejiang province on China’s Eastern coast, knocking Alibaba founder Jack Ma from his mantle. Zhong’s Beijing Wantai Biological Pharmacy Enterprise controlling stake in the firm saw his overall wealth jump as much as $20bn by August.

 Shanshan is now in top spot with wealth of $58.7bn (£46.2bn).  He is also now Asia’s second-richest person behind India’s Mukesh Ambani, the billionaire behind Reliance Industries.  He ranks 17th overall on its list of the world’s top 500 richest people.

Deciding For Ourselves

 

EUGENE DEBS

There is never a right time to criticize the Democratic Party. Always there is the threat from the right. Anyone with even a hint of a progressive agenda in their politics are told they are a destabilizing element and will frighten off the moderate Republicans. It is the long-running debate on ‘lesser-evilism’. Trump or Biden? Nevertheless who will stuff the pockets of Wall St with money? Both of them. Who will finance the armaments industry? Both of them. Who will side with the employers? Both of them. Who will end the misery of working people. Neither of them. For Trump and Biden – read capitalism.

It is hard to believe that real change is possible and it is easier to think that the system can be reformed if only politicians were principled, that justice can overcome evil, and that freedom can prevail. Socialists hold that revolutionary change is indeed possible but it takes each and every one of us to be committed, to be informed, to be educated and to be actively involved. Our task does not begin and end on election days. We cannot rest our hopes on a political savior to rescue us. As Eugene Debs reminded his voters:

 “I would not be a Moses to lead you into the Promised Land, because if I could lead you into it, someone else could lead you out of it

Despite what is taught in school and the propaganda that is peddled by the compliant media which promotes the illusion that we have a democratic republic, a presidential election is not a populist election for a representative. Rather, it’s a gathering of shareholders to select the next CEO. We live under a plutocracy or oligarchy, a system of government in which officials represent the interests of the rich and powerful rather than the average citizen.

The system is rigged. The American electorate has been fed with billions of dollars’ worth of political advertisements aimed at persuading them that:

1) their votes count and

2) electing the right candidate will fix everything that is wrong with the country.

 Yet they are given only two viable choices for president,  which comes down voting for the lesser of the two evils. We are fooled into believing that there’s a difference between the Republicans and Democrats, when in fact, the two parties are practically the same, both parties are bought and paid for by the corporate elite, who care about their own power

The decision on election day will not alleviate the suffering of the American people. Things will remain unchanged. No matter who wins the presidential election on November 3, it’s a sure bet that the losers will be the American people. “We, the people” will continue in misery while the corporations will continue to call the shots. Stop supporting and defending the insanity of the capitalist system. When faced with the prospect of voting for the lesser of two evils, many simply compromise their principles and overlook the fact that the lesser of two evils is still evil.




The Oligarchs and the Plutocrats



 It is time for our American fellow-workers to do a little painful thinking. The American workers knows that this country is owned and controlled by the corporations but they do not realize that the day of opportunity for them to achieve the American dream and join the oligarchy has passed. But still many millions are opposed to socialism, which wishes to destroy their imagined delusion. Although the American workers is disgusted with the dominant Democratic or Republican parties, and if you ask what they think of such-and-such a political candidate, they will say, “Oh, he’s just a lying politician. They’re all alike — they make promises, but they never do anything when they get elected;” although the American workers knows that Congress, the State Legislatures and the City Councils are used by business interests for their own selfish purposes — still they do not know how to answer when told, “Well, if you don’t like your officials, vote for somebody you do like. You are the boss. This is a free country.” They know that the men thee elects to political office are controlled by Big Business but he don’t realize that unless workers, takes away the power of Big Business, they will always be powerless.

Why doesn’t American workers vote Socialist? Probably because they don’t like socialism, which means  a system opposed to “democracy” and “fair play,” which is the way he has been taught to characterize the institutions of this country. They believe voting for the Socialist Party seems impractical. We are told that “the socialists can never win, so it will just be wasting a vote.” They do not see that voting for a candidate who promises and does not deliver is just as much throwing away the vote as voting socialist. American workers do not see to the truth of the society in which they live. They are easily persuaded that all the flaws and abuses of the capitalist system can be corrected by reforms and legislation. They fail to understand that it is corrupt from top to bottom, because the capitalist class controls the sources of wealth.

 Today’s democracy is the only exploitative system in which political power (right to vote, to assemble, to publish) are not the monopoly of the ruling class. The working class have the legal right to use their majority of ballots in any way they choose. More importantly, the workers are organized industrially. Therefore, it is essential for the capitalist class than it was for the ancient slaveowners or medieval nobility to convince the masses of people that the state rules on behalf of all citizens. The slaveowners and nobles persuade the slaves and serfs that class rule was right. The more potential political power the oppressed classes possess, the more urgent it is for the ruling class to insure that that potential power is not transformed into actual power. In the United States this is accomplished chiefly by the myth that fundamental differences divide the two major parties. The two-party system is a self-perpetuating trap. It preaches the unity of oppressors and oppressed. The excuse for the Democrats’ move to the right is that an appeal must be made to the conservative base of the Republican Party. The image of an increasingly conservative America is false, but it mirrors the views of the upper-echelon Democrats. The Democratic Party has always had at its core a share of big capitalists. The Democrats are proving once again to be no solution for capitalism’s victims.

The World Socialist Party holds that all government is legalized force, controlled by one class and used against another. For the first time in history, we are creating a legalized force controlled by the working class, the vast majority of the people, and directed against those who have exploited us and enslaved us.

Trump and Biden are competing CEOs of the capitalist system. Biden doesn’t promise to end exploitation and oppression, just to reform things a little. What he talks of reforming is the same old system which guarantees the making of profits and the exploitation of people. This is the same system of capitalism and imperialism that has brought death and destruction throughout the world. Biden is a representative of a certain section of the ruling class, which as a whole has set up a state apparatus to defend and maintain its position. This ruling class is composed of corporate capitalists owning the factories, banks, financial institutions, communications and transportation. They control the lives of every worker. The purpose of the presidency is to maintain the capitalist system. It enforces the rule of the powerful over poor and working people. Biden won’t change all this – or any of this. He is just a representative of this ruling class and won’t have the power to change it. What he can do is run the state apparatus better or worse for the ruling class. Biden’s program amounts to is little more than sugarcoated Republicanism. It doesn’t really solve problems – it just temporarily patches over them.

Miami’s Wealth Divide

 Miami-Dade county has the second-biggest gap between rich and poor of all large metro areas in the US, according to a 2019 report – only the New York metropolitan area is more unequal.

 The county’s 33109 zip code – which comprises Fisher Island’s 216 acres and its 800 residences – is the richest not just in the county but in the entire US, according to a Bloomberg analysis from last year. 

Zip code 33034, which covers parts of the rural but quickly developing cities of Homestead and Florida City, plus some unincorporated areas, is the county’s poorest, according to a Miami Herald analysis. For the 23,000 people in its 280 sq miles, the per-capita income is $10,608.

“I’m a Trumper,” said 93-year-old doctor Irwin Potash, speaking from quarantine in his $1.6m condo on Fisher Island, a private island in Florida with a golf course, two marinas and 17 tennis courts that’s just a seven-minute ferry ride from South Beach. If Irwin Potash gets sick, the University of Miami has a health center on Fisher Island. “You can even get a helicopter,” he said.

Forty miles south-west of Potash, in the agricultural community of Homestead, Antonia, a field worker , emigrated from Mexico 30 years ago and is now a citizen. She pools enough to afford a $1,500-a-month apartment where she lives with her daughter, her daughter’s husband and two granddaughters. “I’m voting for Biden,” she said in Spanish, and she thinks her fellow agricultural workers will, too. “We feel rejection and discrimination from the current president,” she said.

https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2020/sep/23/miami-dade-zip-code-florida-election