Shortage of Cholera Vaccine

Various politicians are still busy promoting themselves with praise for the speed of the Covid-19 vaccine development and distribution, despite the failure to supply low-income nations with vaccines.

There is, however, silence as another health crisis arises. 

A “dire shortage” of cholera vaccines now exists in the middle of an unprecedented rise in global cases. Twenty-nine countries have reported cholera cases this year – including Haiti, Malawi and Syria, which are facing large-scale outbreaks. Lebanon has warned that a deadly cholera outbreak is “spreading rapidly”. 

Worldwide, the disease affects between 1.3 million and four million people each year, killing between 21,000 and 143,000.

Health officials believe the true number to be higher given some countries’ reluctance to be associated with the heavily stigmatised “disease of the poor”. The WHO also said it is particularly concerned about the fatality rate, which this year was almost three times the rate of the past five years.

 It has forced health officials to halve the number of doses given to people in outbreak hotspots, the World Health Organization has said. The “exceptional decision” to reduce the number of doses from two to one would allow for the vaccines to be eked out until the end of the year and given to more people in more countries. The International Coordinating Group (ICG), the body that manages emergency stocks of vaccines, had taken the decision because of the “extremely limited” supply, the WHO said in a statement, reiterating previous calls for “urgent action” to boost global vaccine production.

Mike Ryan, the executive director of the WHO’s health emergencies programme, said the decision marked “a sad day”.

“We shouldn’t have to do it,” Ryan said. “And it is purely based on the availability globally of vaccines.”

“As vaccine manufacturers are producing at their maximum current capacity, there is no short-term solution to increase production,” the WHO said. “The temporary suspension of the two-dose strategy will allow the remaining doses to be redirected for any needs for the rest of the year.”

The director general of the WHO, Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus, said, “Rationing must only be a temporary solution. In the long term, we need a plan to scale up vaccine production as part of a holistic strategy to prevent and stop cholera outbreaks.”

WHO forced to ration vaccine as cholera cases surge worldwide | Global development | The Guardian

Refugees are welcome

  



The population of USA
 grew at the slowest rate in the U.S. in 2021 since the country’s founding. 

Reduced refugee and immigration intake have much to do with it. We need more refugees, not less. 

The Biden administration set the limit to 125,000 refugees a year, the actual intake was fewer than 26,000 refugees. 

Although refugees contribute a range of skills and diverse experiences to their host countries there are many misperceptions and a lack of understanding about the refugees. 

Refugees go through more scrutiny, contribute substantially to the U.S. economy. There seems to be a lack of awareness and education in the U.S. about the level of scrutiny refugees go through compared to other immigrants.  Refugees must go through a rigorous background and medical checkup as well as obtain security clearance. The U.S. security process involves several agencies including the State Department and Homeland Security. The entire process can take upwards of two years.  and are more committed than any other immigrants to make America their home. 

A common misbelief is that Western countries host the majority of refugees. This is not surprising, given that much of the news and media coverage focuses on refugees flooding into Europe and the perceived ongoing immigration crisis at the US southern border. It is a lesser-known fact that approximately 83 percent of refugees are hosted by low and middle-income countries and 72 percent live in neighboring countries. Currently, Turkey hosts the highest number of refugees. 

In the USA support is only provided for a three-month period, after which refugees have to navigate the system on their own. Comparatively, the US spends less time and money on refugee resettlement than other countries like Canada (where refugees receive a full year of support).

While they do receive initial financial assistance, in subsequent years, refugees contribute $20.9 billion in taxes in 2015 alone and display more entrepreneurship than any other immigrant group. A recent study found that a 10% reduction in refugee intake relative to 2019 cost the US economy upwards of 1.4 billion dollars.

Opinion | Common Misperceptions About Refugees | Dr. Jyotika Saksena (commondreams.org)

Daniel De Leon by Stephen Coleman (1990)

 


The following is the preface by the author to his biography of Daniel De Leon, which was part of Manchester University Press’ Lives of the Left series. Thanks go to La Bataille socialiste  blog for originally putting this on the net.

This biography is a study of uncompromised revolutionary hope and dismal political failure. The story of Daniel De Leon is not that of a populist leader or a radical legislator, but of a militant and unswerving Marxist and irrepressible socialist activist who could see what was wrong and what must be changed in the mean and sordid atmosphere of turn-of-the-century American capitalism. The wrongs which he exposed and the change which he sought concerned not only the nature of the capitalism itself, but also the ways in which that system tends to dominate and misdirect efforts to resist it. The wrongs were to outlive De Leon; the change has yet to come. Still people of reason argue with passion, and sometimes despair, about why socialist ideas have never taken root in the USA; why the American working class has been so successfully accommodated within the capitalist system; why the message of De Leon has been utterly unheeded. It is to be hoped that this biographical study of the pioneer of American Marxism will contribute to an explanation of the hopes and failures which characterised the early socialist tradition in the USA.


Writers of history have not been kind to Daniel De Leon. Apart from the generally uncritical hagiographical accounts of his life written by De Leonists in defence of their tradition, most historians have mentioned De Leon only in passing, usually disparagingly and often inaccurately. When I first came to study the history of socialist thought in the USA, I was surprised (and irritated) to discover that no serious scholarly work dealing exclusively with De Leon’s ideas has been published. It reminded me of the absence of serious scholarly works on the great English Marxist, William Morris, which had at one time been a feature of British socialist historiography. It was clear to me from the outset that De Leon was a figure of major intellectual importance in the history of American socialist thought, and it was just no good for his life and ideas to be left to the realm of superficial caricature. As I embarked upon a study of De Leon’s writings and speeches it became obvious that I was considering a substantial political theorist, an evaluation of whom should not be clouded by tedious psychological investigations or other long-obsolete sectarian squabbles. In the time that I have written this book I have come to conclude that most of the original attacks upon De Leon were motivated by the fact that he would not abandon his principles in order to court the kind of popularity socialist often attract when they stop being socialists. The secondary critics of De Leon have too often been inclined simply to regurgitate the prejudices of those who wrote before them without comprehending the political context of such prejudices. I must plead guilty to an absence of biographical interest in the deeper qualities or defects of De Leon’s personality, nor would I  expect others to evaluate the political ideas of a Marx, a Mill or a Morris on the basis of criteria which are best left to computer dating agencies. In so far as De Leon’s character influenced his effect as a political thinker and activist such matters are considered in the following pages. It is my hope that readers will be motivated by this account of De Leon’s life to turn next to his many very readable and easily available writings, in which are to be found some of the soundest and most straightforward Marxist thinking between the years 1890 and 1914. The account which follows is intended to clarify the context and meaning of such writings as well as to raise a number of criticisms which the openminded reader will want to consider.


I acknowledge with gratitude the contributions to the production of this book of several people. Melvin Harris, whose profound intellectual generosity has been an inspiration to me, allowed me free access to his unique collection of material by and on De Leon; furthermore, the discussions I had with him and the suggestions I received helped me immensely to understand some of the important themes examined in this book. Frank Girard entertained me while I was researching in the USA, offered me the benefit of his years of scholarly and committed reflection upon De Leon’s contribution to the socialist movement, and (together with Ben Perry, with whom he is writing what promises to be an excellent history of the Socialist Labor Party) gave me insights into the De Leonist tradition which I could not have obtained otherwise. Adam Buick has encouraged and, sometimes, directed my research, especially into De Leon’s conception of socialism. Clifford Slapper’s very useful comments on the text and consistently intelligent suggestions of ways to improve both the stylistic and political quality of this book are much appreciated. I have received useful information from Edmund Grant, Ronald A. Sims, John O’Neil, Louis Lazarus and a number of others in the USA who did not know me personally but who heard that I was writing about De Leon and were kind enough to send me literature by, or about, him. In expressing my sincere thanks to these people, I must make clear that I take responsibility for any errors of fact or fault of interpretation which may have found their way into the text. I would also like to thanks Sally McCann for her diligent and very helpful work in copy-editing this book. Above all, I dedicate this book to my father, who first taught me about the importance of history and the vision of socialism, which, when combined, can change the world; without his support over many years this book could never have been written


Stephen Coleman


An American Marxist (1990)



Book Review from the May 1990 issue of the Socialist Standard



The contribution to socialist thought of Daniel De Leon has been neglected over the years. Most labour historians have mentioned him only in passing, usually in scorn and often inaccurately. Stephen Coleman’s book, in Manchester University Press’s “Lives of the Left” series, rectifies the situation. But who was De Leon?


By 1886 Venezuelan-born Daniel De Leon was 34 and living in the Hispanic quarter of New York. An ordinary family man, his main concern was to achieve secure employment as a university law lecturer. However, he was soon to come into conflict with the status quo and leave university life for good. He immersed himself in the radical movements of his day, finally emerging as a Marxian socialist in 1890. He joined the American Socialist Labour Party (SLP) which he was to dominate, transform and remain in for the rest of his life. He stood for socialism and nothing but, and his distinct brand of Marxism and party organisation is still extant today.


De Leon’s major concern, states Coleman, was “to apply the orthodox position of Marx to the industrial conditions of his own time, and to simplify its reasoning and conclusions”. He goes so far as to include him in the tradition of popularising socialist ideas of William Morris and Robert Tressell and to write that it would be hard to name any other source of Marxian education in the USA. De Leonist bodies also emerged in Canada and Australia.


In Britain De Leon’s works were a major influence on the revolutionary minority which left the Social Democratic Federation in 1903-4. This minority formed the British Socialist Labour Party and the Socialist Party of Great Britain. Coleman quotes Jack Fitzgerald, a founder member of the SPGB, who thought the American SLP’s journal The People “the best socialist journal published in English”.


De Leon’s standards were rigorous, and Coleman makes it clear that he imposed them on the SLP. For a start, membership of the party was not automatic. Applicants had to demonstrate an understanding of SLP principles before joining. Neither were waverers tolerated for long. That unity was not to be had at any price is demonstrated by the party split of 1899, when a halving of the membership was regarded by the remaining members as a gain in the party’s strength. James Connolly was one of the more notable waverers to be ousted. Now more famed for his Irish nationalism than his socialism, he left the SLP fold with De Leon accusing him of introducing racial (national) and religious questions into party tactics and organisation.


De Leon’s influence was such that principles would not be exchanged for a “broad-church” numbers-game. It was this principled stand for socialism and nothing but that influenced those who found the Socialist Party of Great Britain. But this is as far as it goes. There is another aspect of De Leonism that Coleman could have more clearly distinguished from this political influence: socialist industrial unionism.


“Socialists tend to die frustrated or deluded: frustrated that human emancipation has not been achieved, or deluded that it has”. Such is the socialist’s lot according to Coleman. But perhaps De Leon’s life shows that frustration and delusion need not be mutually exclusive. There is no doubt that De Leon’s political life was a model of socialist commitment and principle. The frustrating fact was that workers continued to be, in Coleman’s words, “a recalcitrant force”, persistently denying ballot success to the SLP. And though Coleman emphasises that De Leon was never deluded into thinking that socialism had been achieved, it could be argued that he held illusions about how it could be achieved – illusions born of frustration.


By 1905 De Leon was rejecting the notion of a solely political transformation of society. He asserted the need for an economic wing to the socialist movement and put forward a three-stage theory of revolution: socialists winning the battle of ideas, victory at the ballot-box, and socialist industrial unions supplying the economic might to enforce electoral victory and workers’ power. He also ventured a view of future socialist society that would be an industrial unionist administration. To this end he was a major influence on the formation of two industrial unions: the Socialist Trade and Labour Alliance and then the Industrial Workers of the World – both ultimately to fail.


Socialist unions were never to be the short-cut to a mass class-conscious movement that De Leon might have hoped for. How could they be when, unlike the political wing, an understanding of basic socialist principles was not a condition of membership? Coleman argues that De Leon was not wrong to condemn “pure and simple” trade unions. “His mistake was to attach too much importance to leadership, assuming that dishonest leaders imposed themselves on unwilling union memberships”. The fact is that these leaders had the support of the workers “and this would not be changed by retreat into socialist-run unions, but by hard and sustained persuasion of those who accepted the union status-quo”. In Britain industrial unionism was taken up with enthusiasm by the SLP and even by a short-lived minority in the early SPGB.


Coleman is quick to point out that De Leon’s post-revolutionary plan, to replace a political state that would “wither away” with a work-based industrial administration, had its unsolved problems. What about those who do not work? For example, the retired, disabled and those in full-time education. Neither, Coleman states, were De Leon’s views on socialism in one country nor his plans for a post-revolution labour-voucher system what one might expect from a consistent socialist. What about free access?


These were certainly lapses. But De Leon was a product of his times. Coleman claims that his industrial administration theory was borrowed from Edward Bellamy’s utopian work Looking Backward and of course even Marx came up with a labour-voucher scheme in his Critique of the Gotha Programme. In final mitigation, Coleman points out that De Leon was unable to spend time working out an entirely coherent conception of socialism because he was too busy recruiting socialists.


Although Coleman can hardly suppress a glowing respect for this giant amongst pioneer socialists, his is not an uncritical account of De Leon’s life and ideas. De Leon’s failings as a revolutionary socialist are openly and clearly brought out and, in many respects, account for the greater part of Coleman’s work.


Indeed this book, apart from its biographical content, should achieve the status of a handbook to the do’s and don’ts of socialist strategy. As well as being a well-researched scholarly work, it is accessible and eminently readable. It only remains to add that a cheaper, paper-back version will be published later.





UN – Don’t heed the overpopulation alarmists

 As the number of people living on Earth nears 8 billion, Dr Natalia Kanem, executive director of the UN Population Fund (UNFPA), a senior UN official has said, “Some express concerns that our world is overpopulated, with far too many people and insufficient resources to sustain their lives. I am here to say clearly that the sheer number of human lives is not a cause for fear.” 

Kanem said that if governments focused on the numbers alone they ran the risk of imposing population controls that had been shown by history to be “ineffective and even dangerous”.

“From forced sterilisation campaigns to restrictions on family planning and contraception, we are still reckoning with the lasting impact of policies intended to reverse, or in some cases to accelerate, population growth,” she said. “And we cannot repeat the egregious violations of human rights … that rob women of their ability to decide whether [or] when to become pregnant, if at all. Population alarmism: it distracts us from what we should be focused on.”

On immigrants that had a higher birthrate than the country in which they had arrived, Karem explained, “These are not causes for fear. In fact, in terms of the ageing crisis, we’re going to have to look for solutions that include migration of people who are willing to help with elder care etc,” she said. “While there may be some variability … this should not stoke xenophobia and hatred of ‘the other’, which sometimes this type of dynamic is manipulated in order to do.”

As a result of falling birthrates, the pace of worldwide population growth, which reached a recorded peak at just over 2% a year in the late 1960s, has now fallen below 1%.

60% of people live in countries with fertility levels below the recognised replacement level (when a population exactly replaces itself from one generation to the next) of an average of 2.1 births for every woman.

 Just eight countries, including Nigeria, Ethiopia and the Philippines, are forecast to account for half of all population growth by 2050.

UN warns against alarmism as world’s population reaches 8bn milestone | Global development | The Guardian

The Global Wealth Pyramid

  According to a new Credit Suisse report, 47.8 percent of global household wealth is in the hands of just 1.2 percent of the world’s population. 

Those 62.5 million individuals control a staggering $221.7 trillion.

Below that, 627 million people own $176.5 trillion, 38.1 percent of global wealth, despite accounting for just 11.8 percent of the adult population. 

The base of the pyramid shows how 2.8 billion people (53.2 percent of the world’s population) share a combined wealth of $5 trillion – which is just 1.1 percent of total global wealth.





Socialist Sonnet No. 82

Marketing Democracy

 

A government of quite bewildering

Incompetence, so fiscally inept

The currency crashed. It can’t accept

Responsibility for what’s occurring,

Proffering excuses and platitudes.

Rather than letting the truth emerge,

Ministers are pretending they’re in charge

By not letting reality intrude,

Because reality’s quite sinister.

Elections held, but the ballot box hides

From voters it’s the market that decides:

It hardly matters who’s the prime minister.

Vote right! Vote left! Stand on the centre ground,

Enjoy a free choice – while profits abound.

 

D. A.

 

Racism in the Courts

 A survey of 373 legal professionals found that 56% stated they had witnessed at least one judge acting in a racially biased way towards a defendant, while 52% had witnessed discrimination in judicial decision-making. Examples ranged from hostility towards black defendants, including the use of the term “you people”, to the imposition of harsher sentences. The study by the University of Manchester and barrister Keir Monteith KC found judicial discrimination to be directed particularly towards black court users – from lawyers to witnesses to defendants.

Monteith said: “Racism in the justice system has to be acknowledged and fought by those at the highest level, but at the moment there is complete and utter silence – and as a consequence, there is no action to combat racial bias. It is impossible to have diversity and inclusion if the system itself unfairly discriminates.”

Prof Eithne Quinn, the report’s academic lead author, said the findings showed “judges often play a role in fuelling and normalising the terrible disparities in our legal system”.

Prof Leslie Thomas KC, who wrote the report’s foreword, said: “Judges need to sit up and listen, because it is a myth that Lady Justice is blind to colour. Our judiciary as an institution is just as racist as our police forcesour education system and our health service – this is something that cannot be ignored for any longer.”

Just 1% of the judiciary are black, none of whom sit in the court of appeal, and there has never been a supreme court justice of colour.

Judiciary in England and Wales ‘institutionally racist’, says report | Judiciary | The Guardian

“Old Nick” goes strictly legit (short story)

 


From the April 1984 issue of the World Socialist



Nicolo Mephistophelio senior (“Old Nick”) nervously fingered his neatly trimmed, gray, Beelzebub-type chin whiskers as he dropped into his luxurious easy chair at the head of the mahogany conference table. It was just 9 a.m. but he had been up some four hours already in order that he might tend to his religious duties, a daily practice with Nicolo from as far back as he could remember—from his childhood in Sicily, a long time ago since he was now in his 70s. He had breakfasted on his way home from mass and was free to relax for a brief spell before plunging into his busy, secular routine.


He was alone, for the moment, in this front room of his mansion atop the hill just inside the southern limits of the City in a swank neighborhood populated mainly by Yankee tycoons from the world of high finance. Nicolo relished the knowledge, gained from his bookish son Nicolo jr., a Senior at Harvard Business School, that these aristocratic neighbors—like himself—were descended from a line of highly questionable characters—in their cases slave traders. It made him, a Mafia Godfather, feel comfortable to be living—as he would jokingly put it to his close business associates—among his professional colleagues.


The spacious front room in which he sat, ostentatiously furnished and decorated with a mixture of modern American business slogans: GO GETTEM!, DO IT NOW!, etc., and pictures of American and Sicilian scenes and dignitaries, served as the head office of the Mephistophelio Family operations—an extensive network of legal, borderline, and strictly illegal businesses running from the processing and purveying of olive oil to the production and distribution of drugs-licit and illicit. His staff was by now in place in the various offices that were scattered throughout the mansion but no meetings were scheduled that morning in the conference room—none but the private session he awaited with his son, “Young Nick”. Nicolo jr. was so-dubbed by those who knew him well because of his being thought of as a carbon copy of his father in the fiendishness of his business acumen. The strategy involved in the selection of Harvard Business School for this scion of the Mephistophelio Family was a polishing job that would add a distinguishable and brand new touch of suavity and respectability to this ancient Sicilian clan.


But “Old Nick”, usually outwardly calm and collected, seemed greatly upset on this particular morning. He had been alternating his gaze between the pictures, charts, and business-oriented slogans on the walls and the breathtaking sweep of woodland park surrounding his mansion, a park that afforded him temporary escape from his business cares, astride his Arabian horse or putting golf balls on his private links. Finally, he might be seen—had anyone suddenly entered the room—arms on table cradling his head, in an attitude of fatigue—or dejection.


Whatever it was that bothered Nicolo’s thoughts on this morning would not seem to have been related to his health. He appeared, for a man of his years, to be in fine shape. His rugged, five foot eleven inch frame and clear eyes almost suggested a much younger man—a man of this late 20th century, sophisticated, variety. Considering the dangers involved in the life of a Mafia Godfather—the threats against life and limb—”Old Nick” might well have been forgiven had he begun to reflect that the life of a Mafioso capitalist was no bed of roses, that it was time he retired to some Mediterranean island or other. But the racketeering way of life was bred in his bones and now he had a terrible worry eating at his vitals— the worry about his son’s future, for he had begun to suspect, strongly, that something was going wrong with the Harvard strategy. Was his son who had been destined to take over control of the Mephistophelio empire planning on abandoning the ship—going legit?


Yes! It was ironical, he thought. He, the father, had been so proud that his son had been accepted into Harvard Business School and was on the verge of graduating. He had been trained by the cream of the legit economist crop and “Old Nick” had firmly believed that this fact would be of invaluable importance to the fortunes of the Mephistophelio operations. But now, as “Old Nick” awaited this meeting with his son, he just knew in his heart that he would get the message—and that it would be bad news for him. “Young Nick”, influenced by his professors and by his society buddies at Harvard, would announce his official rejection of the Mafioso way of doing business. He would have been sold that bill of goods—that the Harvard way is the pinnacle of proper enterprise while the rackets were nothing but bad business. The liberal fraternity of Harvard must have gotten to him, perverted his way of thinking!


He heard his son’s entrance and cheery “hello” and he snapped into alertness. The moment had arrived. “Old Nick” straightened his shoulders, resolved to summon every argument he could remember in defense of his heritage. He would concede nothing other than that aura of sophisticated respectability attached to Harvard; something he had already conceded when he had encouraged his son to enrol there. He was ready.


“Young Nick” was an athletically-built, dark featured, handsome enough fellow attired now in riding breeches, spurs, red blazer, cocked and plumed hat, and carrying a whip. He sat in a chair facing his father. “Yes, Papa,” he spoke in a tone suggesting reverence, although not necessarily deference. “Young Nick” had arrived at an age at which he was certain that he knew much more than did his father about how society and the world were put together. And he was about to demonstrate to his own satisfaction, at least, that he certainly did. “Sorry about my delay” he said apologetically. “I was dressing for a chukker of polo—I’ve just been admitted to the Society at School. But I had something else on my mind so it took me a bit longer than I’d figured.”


Ah yes! Something else on his mind, thought “Old Nick”, but he managed a smile: “That’s OK, Nicolo.” He looked his son over approvingly. Although there was that fearsome worry attached, he felt a vicarious thrill at the acceptance of his son by High Society—and how much higher could one get in Society than Harvard Business School? His son was truly, now, in the same league as his aristocratic Yankee neighbours. True, some of the professors—he had been warned by Father Bulloni over at the Cathedral—were liberal do-gooders, even Communists or Communist dupes—to use an expression of his late hero, Senator Joseph McCarthy. There was that fellow Galbraith, for example: an advocate of socialism, Bolloni maintained and he, “Old Nick”, had in fact listened to some of those TV and radio debates between Galbraith and Bill Buckley, the beloved defender of the Faith and of the American Way—which was not necessarily “Old Nick'”s way but which was certainly better than “Galbraith’s socialism”. But “Old Nick” had not imagined that his son would waste his time listening to the arguments of offbeat political reformers: not until recently had he suspected this. And the old man was now even beginning to fear that a type of mental illness that had afflicted his late wife some years back was beginning to disturb her son. He had even been compelled to have her incarcerated, for a time, where she had undergone electric shock treatment. He shot an anxious glance at “Young Nick”‘s eyes as the memory gripped him momentarily. He recalled that it had not been easy to distinguish many of the inmates—when on visits to his wife—from mentally sound visitors.


He snapped out of his momentary reverie and reached for a parodi, an action that caused “Young Nick” to brace himself. The aroma from a previous, partially smoked stogie hung in the air and the son, knowing his father’s infrequent smoking habit, sensed the old man’s inward agitation. He had a strongly educated guess as to why this sudden session had been called; he knew that the time had come for a showdown, and he wasted no time in collecting his thoughts in order to be able to present his case as forcefully—yet with gentleness—as possible.


“Old Nick” lit up, blew a smoke ring or two, then looked his son squarely in the eye. “Yes, Nicolo, he said. “Polo is wonderful and there is no reason why you should not indulge in it although you should also spend time at the boccie games among our countrymen in the North End. We must not divorce ourselves altogether from our Old Culture in our social life. But now I want to talk to you about something much more important. You must realize, of course, that I want you to become the Numero Uno of all of my enterprises and you can take over immediately after your graduation—that will be your graduation present. Of course it will take some time before you really catch on to how everything should be done but I will still be around to help you and to give you good advice. I’ll be in the backghround, like those old retired professors at your college—those emeritus people, you call them don’t you? And everybody will know and will give you the respect and the honor that they should give you. With your college background and your financial power you can even make it big in politics some day!”


The die was finally cast! The old man had gotten it out and now he sat silently, puffing on his parodi, awaiting his son’s response with ill-concealed tenseness.


“Young Nick” was silent for a moment, mentally polishing his approach. Finally, “Papa,” he said respectfully, speaking slowly and with just a trace of nervousness showing, “I, too, have wanted to discuss my future with you for some time now. I’ve been putting it off but now it is time to tell you about my plans. I’m going to establish my own business and it is going to be a strictly legit operation. I’m going into food processing—from antipastos to spumoni with every known variety of pasta and sauce—maybe even some that are not known, entirely new ones. I’m going to make the Mephistophelio name famous instead of infamous. I’m going to be regarded as a public benefactor because I’m going to provide plenty of jobs at wages—I’ll be thought of as a pillar of society and of the Church . . .”


It had come; his fears were well taken; the respectable do-gooders had gotten to his son. “Old Nick” was out of his chair in a flash, one hand raised with index finger wagging. “Look here, my boy, I too am a pillar of society and of the Church and a public benefactor. I provide plenty of jobs at wages, I make generous donations to the Church and to all sorts of Charities …” He was flushed and “Young Nick” became nervous.


“Papa, your blood pressure. Remember your doctor warned you to keep away from tense situations. Relax, please, and let me explain why I think the rackets make no sense.” The old man sat down and tried to calm down, resolving to hear his son out but with a mixture of puzzlement and worry in his expression. “Go ahead, Nicolo, explain to me why the empire that I and my father and grandfather built makes no sense, why all of this” he waved his hand to indicate the mansion and the estate, in general, “why all of this makes no sense.”


“Young Nick” was by now forced into making a fast mental decision. His father’s few words spoken thus far underlined the importance to the economy of Organized Crime and even the wide social acceptance, by respectable elements, of prominent and powerful crime figures such as his father. How could he forget the extravagant parties that his father had sponsored, on occasion, at which many of the most prominent and influential representatives from the world of politics, entertainment and Society were honoured to attend? He must scrap that part of his argument and get down to the meat—the substance.


“Papa,” he said, “the fact is that the rackets make no sense because legit operation gives you everything you can make actually gratis—at least in the long run. And the most beautiful part of it all is that the very people who are producing all of this legit wealth for you and making you a present of it—these same employees regard you as a public benefactor because you are giving them the chance to do this for you. All they ask is that you pay them enough to make a living. . .”


“Old Nick” was really visibly shaken by now. He noted the crafty glint in his son’s eye but mistook it for incipient insanity. “Nicolo,” he said soothingly, “you’ve been studying too hard lately—hitting the books, like you call it. I know that too much of that college stuff, crammed into your head, can be bad for you mentally.” In fact, “Old Nick” had even heard of cases of college students committing suicide because of pressure of their studies and he became genuinely worried. “Nicolo,” he urged, pleadingly, “you’d better take a few days off before those final exams—forget the books, relax completely. Why don’t you take some of those society sweethearts of yours up to the mountains?”


“Young Nick” smiled broadly. “Papa, I know that I must sound to you like I’m losing my marbles. But please hear me out. You know as much about legit enterprise as the average business man—after all, you do run all sorts of respectable businesses along with the racketeering. But like just about all businessmen you think that your profits come from your ability to take advantage of your competitors and the people you buy your merchandise from and those you sell it to. That helps, of course, but it really doesn’t explain anything because those people, those other business people you deal with are taking it away from you as fast as you take it from them—or, if not from you, then from others. All that is happening is a continual redistribution of all of that wealth that is out there. . .”


“Old Nick” shrugged his shoulders, leaned back in his chair and watched his son with narrowing eyes. He would hear him out before coming to any decision on what to try to do with him. He could not restrain himself, however, from blurting out one question that was now eating at his vitals: “Do you mean to tell me that they are teaching you that kind of Communist garbage at Harvard Business School? Am I giving them my good dough to fill your head with that nonsense?”


“Young Nick” laughed. “Of course not, Papa. You can’t run businesses on that brand of economics. They don’t even make too much out of it in the Communist countries although it doesn’t seem to hurt any that some of the top executives may very well understand the process. No. I didn’t get my understanding from Harvard. I got it on my own by studying the kind of texts my professors either put down or mention only in passing.” He paused for a moment to make certain that the old man was reasonably calm—in a mood to pay attention to what he was about to say. “Old Nick” was not smiling but he did wave his son on.


“Go ahead, Nicolo,” he said, “explain how the legit operators get everything gratis; how their raw materials, plant space, machinery, taxes, insurances, cost them zilch. And the wages we pay out. How can you say that is not a cost to us?”


“Look, Papa,” “Young Nick” spoke slowly, stressing his words, “of course you have to lay out dough for wages. But that money comes from a fund provided by the sale of what your workers have already produced. It’s a continuous process once the operation has been founded and the workers are actually producing the money that you use to pay them the wages that you pay them.They’ve got to or you wouldn’t keep them long, would you?” He looked sharply at his father’s expression and he seemed to detect an alteration in it—a glimmer of understanding, he hoped.


“And not only that, Papa,” “Young Nick” went on, “neither you nor any other business man is in business simply because most people must have jobs at wages in order to live. Of course if it wasn’t for that fact you couldn’t be in business, to begin with but your object can’t be simply to provide jobs for working people. You have to pay all of your expenses of operation and you have go have a good margin left over to enjoy life, too. So those workers of yours have to produce a value far greater than what they get from their wages. . .”


The old man shifted uneasily in his chair. “And you mean to tell me, Nicolo, that my brains and abilities have nothing to do with it? That all those long hours that I put in are of no importance?”


“Of course what you do is important,” “Young Nick” assured him. “But what you do has to do with protecting your interests, not in creating your wealth. And anyway, you’re big enough now to be able to hire the best brains that Harvard turns out to look after your interests. The point that I’m trying to make though, is that the rackets make no sense because all those people out there who work jobs at wages in order to live and raise their families are making you an offer that you just can’t sensibly refuse.”


The old man sat silent, obviously mulling it all over. “Young Nick” then administered his coup de grace: “Look, Papa,” he said, “let me give you an analogy. Supposing we were to make an offer like this to any of those workers nervousness you or who will work for me. Let’s say that we offer to take his shiny, new car  to use in our business. We use it for eight hours each working day, we provide the gas, oil, and maintenance to keep it operating efficiently for us; letting its owner have it after working hours, even giving him enough to run it during his leisure hours. You know that he wouldn’t go for a deal like that. Not with his car you can be sure. But he does it with himself and he’s convinced that there’s nothing else he could do and that this is how it’s supposed to be. . . With all of the talk about socialism and communism in more than half of the world that’s the way things operate in those countries, too. The goverments might be the legal owners but the basics are the same the world over. The legit operators—private like here or bureaucratic wheeler-dealers like in the Communiutst countries—have it made. It just doesn’t make sense to get involved with the rackets when you’ve got a deal like that. It’s an offer I can’t refuse.”


He had been watching his old man’s face carefully while he was making his pitch. He could see the conflicting emotions as “Old Nick” seemed to be assimilating the message; he could almost see the wheels in his father’s head turning. “Young Nick” sensed that he had made a sale. “Old Nick” smiled his most devilish smile. He stood up and seized his son’s hand. “Nicolo,” he boomed: “You’re on! I’m going to go all-out legit. You want a partner in your Mephistophelio Pasta Company?”
Harry Morrison 
(WSPUS)

Lithium – White Gold

 The push for cleaner energy is causing demand for lithium to spiral – the International Energy Agency has projected that global demand will grow by over 40 times by 2040 if countries stick to their Paris agreement targets to reduce planet-heating emissions – and will likely spark several new mining operations. The bulk of production happens in Australia and Chile.

Across Nevada, there are more than 17,000 prospecting claims for lithium, a soft metal dubbed “white gold” by investors due to its scarcity and increasing value as clean energy components, with several new major projects now planned. Nevada can be to lithium “what Wall Street is to finance, or what Silicon Valley is to technology”, Steve Sisolak, the state’s governor, has envisioned.

Three-quarters of all known deposits of lithium in America are found near tribal land, igniting fears that a decline in destructive fossil-fuel mining could simply be replaced by a new form of harmful extraction.

Plans for a major new lithium mine in northern Nevada will “will turn what is left of my ancestral homelands into a sacrifice zone for electric car batteries”, Shelley Harjo, a member of the Fort McDermitt Paiute and Shoshone Tribe, has warned. 

Lithium is produced by network of enormous ponds that hold briny liquid that has been pumped in from underground. The brine evaporates out vast expanses of salt as it bakes under the piercing Nevada sunshine, eventually separating the lithium within. The salt accretes to 10ft deep in places as the brine is cycled around through the ponds, becoming denser the further it goes. It can take up to two years for the brine to be “heavy” enough for processing. The brine is taken to an on-site plant, where lime and soda ash is added to further the transformation; it is then filtered, pressed and dried into lithium carbonate, a powdery substance that looks a little like flour.

Another method is rock extraction, where an ore called spodumene, that contains high levels of lithium, is dug up in open pits. Some farmers in Australia have complained of possible pollution of waterways from the runoff from this sort of mining.

5,000 tons of lithium is enough to make batteries for 80,000 electric cars. Even doubling this output will make a relatively small dent in the amount of lithium required – half of all cars sold in the US will be electric by 2030, according to some forecasts, with about 26m EVs on the road by this time.

If demand for electric cars takes off as expected – California and New York, for example, have both mandated no new diesel or gasoline cars can be sold after 2035 – then the likes of Ford, Tesla and General Motors will need around 900,000 tons of lithium from the US and Canada to if production is to be fulfilled domestically, according to Rystad Energy. Production in North America is only likely to reach 600,000 tons by 2030, the research firm estimates.

There’s lithium in them thar hills – but fears grow over US ‘white gold’ boom | Nevada | The Guardian

Lithium – White Gold

 The push for cleaner energy is causing demand for lithium to spiral – the International Energy Agency has projected that global demand will grow by over 40 times by 2040 if countries stick to their Paris agreement targets to reduce planet-heating emissions – and will likely spark several new mining operations. The bulk of production happens in Australia and Chile.

Across Nevada, there are more than 17,000 prospecting claims for lithium, a soft metal dubbed “white gold” by investors due to its scarcity and increasing value as clean energy components, with several new major projects now planned. Nevada can be to lithium “what Wall Street is to finance, or what Silicon Valley is to technology”, Steve Sisolak, the state’s governor, has envisioned.

Three-quarters of all known deposits of lithium in America are found near tribal land, igniting fears that a decline in destructive fossil-fuel mining could simply be replaced by a new form of harmful extraction.

Plans for a major new lithium mine in northern Nevada will “will turn what is left of my ancestral homelands into a sacrifice zone for electric car batteries”, Shelley Harjo, a member of the Fort McDermitt Paiute and Shoshone Tribe, has warned. 

Lithium is produced by network of enormous ponds that hold briny liquid that has been pumped in from underground. The brine evaporates out vast expanses of salt as it bakes under the piercing Nevada sunshine, eventually separating the lithium within. The salt accretes to 10ft deep in places as the brine is cycled around through the ponds, becoming denser the further it goes. It can take up to two years for the brine to be “heavy” enough for processing. The brine is taken to an on-site plant, where lime and soda ash is added to further the transformation; it is then filtered, pressed and dried into lithium carbonate, a powdery substance that looks a little like flour.

Another method is rock extraction, where an ore called spodumene, that contains high levels of lithium, is dug up in open pits. Some farmers in Australia have complained of possible pollution of waterways from the runoff from this sort of mining.

5,000 tons of lithium is enough to make batteries for 80,000 electric cars. Even doubling this output will make a relatively small dent in the amount of lithium required – half of all cars sold in the US will be electric by 2030, according to some forecasts, with about 26m EVs on the road by this time.

If demand for electric cars takes off as expected – California and New York, for example, have both mandated no new diesel or gasoline cars can be sold after 2035 – then the likes of Ford, Tesla and General Motors will need around 900,000 tons of lithium from the US and Canada to if production is to be fulfilled domestically, according to Rystad Energy. Production in North America is only likely to reach 600,000 tons by 2030, the research firm estimates.

There’s lithium in them thar hills – but fears grow over US ‘white gold’ boom | Nevada | The Guardian